essay on role of army in nation building

Military Conscription and Its Role in Shaping a Nation

The military was created long before the formation of the current modern state. Established for the purpose of obtaining and protecting territory and resources, the military has played and continued to play a significant role in state formation and building. Consequently, the state and the army’s intricately intertwined relationship has attracted a significant amount of scholarly attention. However, the military is an institution that has expanded beyond its initial goals of offense and defense. Such an expansion has come as a defiance to the general and technical perception of what the military represents. It is a tool for state formation and building but it has also become a means from which nation-building and cohesion could be promoted.  While there is a sufficient amount of research on the military relative to state building, existing literature only goes so far in explaining the effective role of the military vis-à-vis nation-building.  Thus, this study will be focused on the latter; it will specifically evaluate one of the military’s policies, conscription, with respect to the activation of national sentiment.  By assessing the degree to which military conscription can break down existing ethnic barriers and unite citizens with a common national cause and identity, we can positively reframe the controversial perception of conscription. On a broader scale, it will also refine our current understanding of the military not just as a coercive institution but also as a social one with short-term and long-term influences on social attitude, behavior and consequently, nation-building.

Research Questions

In order to understand the potential conscription has in building a nation, it is necessary to evaluate the scope of its influence, with respect to its surrounding environment. Such an objective can be split into two inquiring parts: to what degree does military conscription have a uniting impact on society? And in what context is such an impact nurtured/hindered? The former can be studied by taking into consideration each case study’s social structure and the dynamic relation and interaction between their different social/ethnic groups. This brings us to the sub-questions: what impact does conscription have on inter and intra-ethnic interactions? And can it strengthen sub-groups’ loyalty towards the national community that they are a part of?

The latter can be studied by comparing both case studies to identify common background variables that have ensured the successful establishment and continuation of their conscription programs. This also brings us to further sub-questions: what would explain the successful application of conscription as a nation-building strategy? And, how could it be used to explain the success of some countries, and the failure of others, to maintain conscription as a nation-building process? 

Methodology

The main method employed in this study is an in-depth comparative analysis of two very different case studies: Switzerland and Singapore. While such a selection might seem random, it is, in fact, driven by the cause to highlight and emphasize a specific characteristic of interest to our study. Both case studies have successfully implemented mandatory military service that has, in turn, contributed to their country’s nation-building. Using secondary sources ranging from books to academic articles, this study will be comparing these case studies in order to find common background factors that have led to the successful use of conscription as a nation-building tool.

However, the findings of this research have to be understood in consideration with some of its limitations. Taking a comparative method does relatively restrict the context in which the data will be collected and analyzed. This is especially the case for this research since I have refrained from choosing a case study that has implemented conscription but failed to incite a national identity.  However, it is important to note that Switzerland and Singapore are case studies that are very different in terms of history, culture and structure, with very different processes of state formation. Yet, they still share the same dependent variable — the successful application of conscription as a nation-building strategy. By looking at these two highly different cases, I can extract the potential independent variables and conditions that could further help this process. Since these variables should be found in both cases, it is thus improbable that any factor different across the cases would be the independent variable. In other words, a constant cause is needed for a constant outcome. Consequently, the factors that vary in between these countries will be dropped making it easier to identify and extract the background factors constant/common for both cases — the independent variables. 

The paper is divided into 5 sections. The next section provides an overview of the existing literature and debates on the topic. The third and fourth sections respectively focus on the case studies of Switzerland and Singapore. Both sections focus on potential factors, with respect to each country, that have contributed to the success of conscription as a nation-building tool. Finally, the last section spells out the comparative lessons of the case studies and their theoretical implications. 

Literature Review

When it comes to the military’s role with respect to nation-building, the literature is divided into two main perspectives. One perspective argues that it has a positive role with an organizational and stabilizing impact on the nation and state (Coleman & Brice, 1962; Pye, 1962), and/or the potential of acting as a unifying institution. The other perspective claims the opposite (Dietz, Elkin and Roumani, 1991). Krebs (2004), for example, argues that nations are collective and cannot be built on individuals’ decision to affiliate, while Luckham claims that the military institution is a budgetary burden and consequently restricts investment in human capital (1974). 

However, Lamb and Pisani subscribe to neither perspective. They argue that the military’s role regarding nation-building has been impactful in both a positive and negative manner (2018). According to their historical study of the armed forces in Europe and Africa, the impact of the military and the extent to which it was constructive or destructive is based on how and in what context the state was created and developed. 

 Frederick et. al (2017) attribute the effectiveness of the military, not on state-formation as Lamb & Pisani argue, but rather on its degree of cohesion and consequently the usage of national identity and ideology vis-à-vis the military. They support this argument by taking a wide-range of case studies such as Iraq, South Korea, South Vietnam and several African states to study how the presence/absence of a nation-building project highly impacted the survival of the state. In fact, this argument can be further supported by a study done on the IDF, Israeli Defense Forces, which also finds a positive relationship between the army’s integrative/socializing mechanisms, the force’s effectiveness and the nation’s survival. (Henderson, 1985). Not only does the army seem to be fairly reliant on national identity for cohesion and efficiency, it has also come to symbolize a different form of identification, one that supersedes society’s divisions and conflicts (Lomsky-Feder & Ben-Ari, 2015). Evidently, with the reduction of international conflict and the increase in international interdependence, the military and its focus on nation-building has increasingly expanded and proved to be influential.

Zooming in on the literature concerning conscription will show how the military has incorporated elements of nation-building. While many countries no longer implement conscription and have converted to all-volunteer forces (AVF), there are still many states that have maintained their conscription programs and have thus maintained its significance. To abandon or retain such a program continues to be controversial, especially considering arguments that it is a financial burden, a major restriction of freedom, and a site of exposure to trauma. Yet, Switzerland, one of the happiest countries in the world, has successfully normalized mandatory military service as a practice in society. 

In fact, there have been a wide-range of studies on the impact of conscription in many areas such as crime (Hjalmarsson & Lindquist, 2016; Lyk-Jensen 2018), labor market (Hjalmarsson & Lindquist, 2016; Bauer et. Al, 2012), mental health (Lazar, 2014; Morley et. Al, 2020) and personality traits like that of discipline, belligerence, agreeableness etc. (Navajas et. Al, 2019; Schult, 2015). However, not enough research has studied whether or if partaking in military service may develop a sense of national identity. According to the Goh, former PM of Singapore, “nothing creates loyalty and national consciousness more thoroughly than participation in its defense.” This is exemplified in the case of Singapore; its conscription program has been maintained for decades and yet its abolition has never been an election issue (Kwok, 2014). In fact, in 2014 the UAE implemented a conscription program  after taking inspiration from several states, including Singapore, considered to have some of the most effective conscription practices. The UAE did not do so purely for military reasons; once again, conscription is used as a political and symbolic tool to assert a ‘a more homogenous Emirati identity that supersedes local, tribal, religious, or ideological affiliations’ (Alterman & Balboni, 2017). Thus, as Cohen precisely words it, conscription establishes the military as a representative of a highly diverse and heterogeneous population (1985). 

However, can this be applied to any diverse and heterogeneous population? Can it occur in extremely fragmented societies? According to Allport (1954), public policies, including that of conscription, can reduce the distinction of ethnic identities under the right conditions. Rivkin (1969) also argues that nation-building can be successful if applied under conditions “that are conductive to political stability, economic growth and peaceful change.” However, both writers fail to mention what these conditions are. While scholars have highlighted the ability of conscription to successfully overcome ethnic barriers and enable nation-building in certain states, the conditions necessary for such a strategy are vague. For that reason, this study will be comparing Singapore and Switzerland — two cases that have demonstrated the potential of conscription to ameliorate ethnic divisions. According to Kai Ostwald’s survey experiments, his empirical tests strongly demonstrate that Singapore’s service program has been both durable and successful in changing conscripts’ attitudes and behaviors with respect to ethnic interactions (Ostwald, n.d). Not only has it been maintained for decades in Singapore but it has also been accepted and embraced — despite being obligatory — with its abolition never being an election issue (Kwok, 2014). Switzerland is a similar case. It has a high percentage of Swiss citizens in support of maintaining conscription. This can be further supported by a recent Swiss referendum that disclosed an immensely popular level of support for mandatory military service (Ostwald, n.d; Kwok, 2014).

Singapore and Switzerland are very diverse countries. Yet, they have succeeded in normalizing the practice of conscription, among a heterogenous population, for the sake of national defense. In other words, the policy of conscription, in these cases, encourages an outward-looking perspective rather than an inward one that focuses on groups’ allegiance towards their own group interests and needs.  Thus, using these case studies to identify the necessary conditions for the successful use of conscription could provide other countries, especially ones wreaked with division, with comparative lessons from which to learn from and use.

The Historical Shaping of the Swiss Nation

Switzerland is a confederation made up of twenty-six independent cantons that are unevenly divided according to four different language-speaking groups: German, French, Romansh and Italian. This multilingual entity is considered to be a successful example of the political integration of different ethnic affiliations. However, as a country with rich history, this is largely the result of the certain circumstances from which Switzerland arose and developed. 

Geographic Vulnerability 

The particular languages found in Switzerland not only represent the aftermath of historical territorial dominions but also the exchange of Switzerland’s geographical and cultural borders with that of its neighboring countries. Switzerland is a small state that is landlocked by several countries; Germany to the North, Austria and the Liechtenstein principality to the East, Italy to the South, and France to the West. This brings us to the first factor as to why conscription has come to be a successful nation-building strategy in Switzerland: geographic vulnerability. 

Initially, Switzerland was a small territory with a small population and greater, more powerful and populated neighboring countries. This left Switzerland vulnerable and open to the repercussions of any major conflict in Europe. The threat of a common external enemy and the potential end to political sovereignty and freedom obliged this league of small states to come together in agreement. While most modern states were shaped by contesting the particularism of their different segments, Switzerland deviated from such a pattern. In contrast, Switzerland arose by the preservation and development of the autonomy and character of each of its constituents. Since the cantons were no longer under a feudal structure and the power of protection it is obliged to provide, the cantons were required to depend on themselves to settle any conflicting interests and disputes among themselves. While external aggression and collective security was definitely an incentive for cooperation, the establishment of their alliance was further reinforced by the defense of a common set of principles such as self-governance, liberty, autonomy and democracy; the same set of principles that the current Swiss nation is founded on. Thus, with the need to preserve these principles, Switzerland collectively rose unified and resistant against external control. 

Their practice of collective security overshadowed existing differences and directed the focus on common political values between the different linguistic groups. Thus, it is their resistance against foreign powers that led to the focus on common nationalistic goals rather than the prevalence of trans-ethnic features (Wilner, 2009). Consequently, an environment conducive to conscription was established. Their reliance on conscription was needed to accumulate a dependable fighting-force that would deter threats and defend their independence. The establishment of a citizen’s militia made it every Swiss citizen’s responsibility to defend the state regardless of group identification. Thus, Switzerland’s geostrategic vulnerability and the potential threat of invasion established a defensive military-style culture with an all-encompassing social duty to defend the nation (Wilner, 2009). This created a national identity separate from sub-group identification that emphasized and relied on the common values of self-governance and political liberty. In light of the historical competition between foreign powers and the security problem it poses, the cooperation of the Swiss cantons, for the sake of political (rather than ethnic) values, eventually grew into a federal union. Despite the region’s current stability and scarce number of aggressors, conscription is still a policy that is culturally and politically needed to preserve Switzerland’s democratic values and its traditional security-strategy of deterrence (Stringer, 2017).

Geo-strategic vulnerability is one of the conditions for the successful implementation of conscription as a nation-building strategy. However, it can be easily met in a world characterized by anarchic global relations. For that reason, it is important to note how the condition was utilized in a way that would, or would not, provide an environment stable for nation-building. This can be seen in the fact that most countries wreaked by divisions — such as Lebanon, Iraq, Syria — were and remain to be geo-strategically vulnerable to invasion and interference and yet a national identity outside of their group’s interests is yet to be properly formed. This could be largely attributed to a lack of political consensus (Salamey, 2019) on the general goals of society which is, in contrast, evidently present in the case of Switzerland. For the sake of collective security, the compromise and social bargaining of the different polities in Switzerland resulted in their socio-political cooperation. For that reason, they were (and continue to be) aligned with a broader political community that has eventually manifested itself into a politically tolerant culture and identity. Such a community would not have come to place without the integratory push of external pressures and threats. This push acted as a consolidating force and was actualized through the cooperation of conscripts of different linguistic and ethnic backgrounds, united by the collective need to protect their independence.  

Neutral Foreign Policy 

Another factor that has paved the way for conscription as a successful nation-building tool is related to Switzerland’s foreign policy. Switzerland’s renowned principle of armed neutrality has led to a foreign policy that has resulted in an exceptional lack of conflict from the late 1700s onwards (Kwok, 2014). This neutrality goes all the way back to the Peace of Westphalia when it was officially recognized in 1648 (McComas, 2016). However, Switzerland was still sought after for its great geo-strategic territory especially with respect to the Alpine region which consisted of several European transit routes. For that reason, such recognition was not essentially actualized as demonstrated by the French occupation of Switzerland in 1798 and its transformation into a battle-zone between the European powers in 1799. It was the Napoleonic wars that provided a glimpse of the threatening impact a non-neutral Switzerland would have. Consequently, neither of the neighboring states would tolerate an opposing power dominating Switzerland. Thus, after Napoleon’s defeat, recognition of Switzerland’s neutrality was renewed at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 (McComas, 2016). 

Switzerland’s position of permanent neutrality towards other powers meant that they are not allowed to engage in warfare nor may their territories be — to any extent — the stage for warfare. This neutrality served both external and internal functions. Switzerland’s ‘designation’ as a buffer zone protected its independence and freedom from that of external affairs. It also stabilized Europe’s fragile balance-of-power as outlined in the Treaty of Paris, 1815; the neutrality and independence of Switzerland would “enter into the truest interests of the policy of the whole of Europe” (Schindler, 1998). While neutrality was initially a condition — imposed by European powers — for Switzerland’s independence, it eventually became a moral virtue from which Swiss national identity was built on. This brings us to the internal function of neutrality that has provided the means to promote internal integration. Due to the lack of homogeneity with respect to religion, linguistics and culture, neutrality provided a common and non-instigating identity to associate with. A policy that proved to be both important and sturdy in contrast to the power of ethno-nationalization that was prevailing in Europe (Schoch, 2000). Being free and separate from external pressure not only strengthened internal integration but also preserved Swiss unity throughout several major events. Swiss neutrality managed to prevail throughout the Reformation and the following decades of religious conflict that crippled the rest of Europe. It also persisted throughout two highly destructive World Wars. 

While Switzerland did uphold its state of armed neutrality in WW1, it proved to be difficult as its neighbors were a mix of Central Powers (Germany and Austria-Hungary) and Entente Powers (France and Italy). This stirred up conflicting sympathies as German-speakers felt emotionally attached to the German empire and the French-Italian speakers to that of France and the Entente. This was the first time in Switzerland’s history that alliances were made according to the aspect of language (Wilner, 2009). While this did cause some internal conflict, Switzerland still managed not to take sides or partake in the war. By WW2, Switzerland was more prepared. Although the military threat was essentially larger, the internal language-based divisions were not as important. As the Axis powers gradually began to represent anti-democratic forces that opposed Swiss traditions and values, there occurred a decrease in Swiss-German loyalty (Kerr, 1974). This demonstrates the positive aftereffect of establishing political values that align with a broader community. 

The non-alignment policy also played an important role in Switzerland’s defense strategy. Given that neutral countries are not allowed to favor or assist any other countries, the opposite also applies. Thus, conscription and the security/deterrence it provides becomes a necessary strategy for the lack of protection under neutrality. In fact, an empirical study was conducted on the determinants of conscription’s decline between the timeframe of 1970-2010 (Hall & Tarabar, 2016). Membership in military alliances was found to be related. As countries increasingly partake in strategic and protective alliances, they feel less threatened and consequently reduce their military force. Considering Switzerland does not have such privileges, it had and still has to be as self-sufficient as possible with respect to its defensive capabilities. 

Despite the region’s current stability and scarce number of aggressors, Swiss conscription is still a relevant policy that remains necessary in a neutral country that has no military alliances. While the original reason behind conscription was largely militarily, history shows that it is a representation of collective security that has been anchored, alongside the principle of neutrality, in the political identity and practice of the Swiss state. In other words, the purpose of conscription has changed and become essentially more political. This would explain why a recent Swiss referendum on the abolition of conscription reflected an immensely popular level of support for conscription, despite the lack of external motive (Reuters Staff, 2013).

Direct and Consociational Democracy

The successful maintenance of conscription does not only have to do with the particular conditions from which Switzerland developed, but also with the complex institutional-structure of the current federal state. Referendums are part of an important institutional feature that impacts Switzerland and its wide-range of decisions, including that of conscription and consequently nation-building. This feature is known as direct democracy. The Swiss model has granted a high level of participation and self-determination to its citizens allowing them to be more involved in the formation or alteration of Swiss law. In fact, at least one-third of all the referendums held at the national-level worldwide have occurred in Switzerland (Kaufmann, 2019). Thus, the extent to which Switzerland has provided its citizens with a direct voice in their own affairs is beyond compare to any other country. Indeed, like any other average representative system, most of the political decisions are made by the legislative and executive branches. However, with respect to the most important of issues, especially related to the constitution, the people have the final say by means of referendum. Thus, direct democracy controls and regulates the power of the political elites while also giving these important political decisions high rates of approval and legitimacy. Despite criticism of maintaining conscription in a stable region, in 2013, Switzerland rejected a referendum on the suspension of conscription – for the third time in 25 years. 73% of voters from all across the twenty-six cantons rejected the abolition while only 27% were in favor (Reuters Staff, 2013). Evidently, Switzerland’s semi-direct democracy has over and over again provided conscription a legitimate foundation for its application in a world where all-volunteer forces (AVF) are the trend. 

Yet, it is not the only institutional feature that impacts conscription; Switzerland’s mixture of both direct democracy and power-sharing is what makes its system so distinct. Within this government type, rather than the application of majority decisions and a ‘winner takes it all’ structure, each group gets something. As aforementioned, Switzerland did not replicate its neighbors’ inclination towards unification and homogenization. It did not encourage the identity of one specific group at the expense of the other. Instead, it formed a state that preserved the cantonal autonomy of the different group identities. Rather than focus on the establishment of cultural, linguistic, and religious homogeneity, Switzerland accepted its pre-existing diversity and built its institutions on it. This can be seen in the consociational structure of the government and its emphasis on shared decision-making and group inclusion. However, it is important to note that Swiss institutions, as seen through a glimpse of its history, were already accepted and functioning at all levels (Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, 2008). This explains why a broad political identity — preaching common political values — was able to simultaneously emerge. This would also explain why, in contrast, countries with weak and politically contested institutions are unable to incite a sense of identity. Even if only one group were to challenge the state’s institutions and its credibility, such institutions will not be able to serve as the basis of an overarching and shared political identity. Yet, in the case of Switzerland, political institutions and values have proven to be able to establish a communal sense of belonging, distinct from that of individual ethnic and cultural bonds. 

It also must be pointed out that Switzerland is not a country that has experienced prolonged internal conflict as popularly seen in ethnically-diverse countries (mainly due to its neutrality). While it did experience civil war in 1847, it was short only causing a small number of casualties. In other words, it did not trigger a great level of suffering. For that reason, Switzerland does not have an ‘emotionalized’ population nor are they represented by ‘emotionalized’ elites (Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, 2008). The inter-ethnic interactions between the different ethnic groups are not as delicate as popularly seen in ethnically-diverse countries. Thus, not only is there a certain level of trust and tolerance among different groups but there is also a concentrated effort by these elites to establish and support a shared national identity. This is supported by Wilner who claims that in 1917, the elites from different ethno-linguistic groups “very quickly moved to an appeasement policy in attempt to realign political sentiments along the nationalist axis that they had designed in previous decades” (Wilner, 2009; Wimmer, 2011). Another example is the creation of the term “Geistige Landesverteidigung” in 1938 by elites in the Federal Council.  Equivalent to “spiritual national defense”, this term promoted Swiss political/cultural ideas and values in order to diminish rising ethnic pressure and counter the propaganda of surrounding countries (Wilner, 2009; Ormes, 2011). Evidently, the continuing trust between both groups and elites have created an environment conducive to the institutional accommodation of different cultural groups. Switzerland’s situation is exceedingly unlike countries that implement power-sharing as a temporary means to avoid ethno-political conflict. 

The combination of direct citizen participation, the institutionalization of common political values, inclusive decision-making, and the lack of emotionalization at all levels has paved the way for an institutional structure that is trusted by the people. Evidently, such a strong and complex institutional structure has created an atmosphere which is not only conducive to conscription but to the military as a whole. The Swiss military has been and continues to be, in essence, a cultural institution. Not only does it represent Swiss culture and history but it also embodies an overarching political identity in which promotes trust, tolerance and diversity. For that reason, the citizens’ perception of the military and other institutions is a positive one that continues to encourage the establishment of a national identity. This positive perception towards state institutions, especially the military apparatus, is not commonly seen in countries divided by ethnic divisions.

The Artificial Shaping of the Singaporean Nation 

Singapore is a small city-state made up of one main island and more than 60 small islets. It has 4 major ethnic groups according to the CMIO model of ethnic classification; the Chinese, the Malays, the Indians and the others which include nationalities mostly from Central Asia and Europe.  However, the sizes of these different groups, with respect to each other, are in no way proportional. The Chinese in Singapore form the ethnic majority as they make up 75% of the population while the Malays, the constitutionally-recognized indigenous people of Singapore, amount to around 13.7%. The Indian ethnic group is at 8.7% leaving a remaining 2.6% for other nationalities (Ortmann, 2009). Evidently, Singapore’s diverse ethnic composition makes it difficult to establish a common feeling of identity. However, the success and development of Singapore as a city-state shows that peaceful coexistence and effective governance was able to be attained and differences surpassed. 

In 1965, Singapore was removed from Malaysia and was forced to become an independent and sovereign state. An independent and sovereign state with a Chinese majority squished between the larger and more populated Malaysia and Indonesia; neighbors that are predominantly Muslim. The establishment of its fragile independence within a potentially threatening territory had consequently established national survival as the main goal of Singapore. This was clearly stated and recognized by Singaporean Prime Minister Lee in 1965:

“We want peace simply because we have not the capacity to make war on anybody. We are surrounded by bigger and more powerful neighbors with whom we cannot afford to settle disputes by force of arms. My country is well aware that it is situated in a region of the world which has traditionally been the battleground of big power conflict. Singapore itself, by virtue of its location, has attracted the attention of nations who wish to dominate Southeast Asia” Moore, 2017

Not only did its geographic location pose a threat to this newly created state but also the structure of its society. Its society is fragmented by its increasingly different ethnic composition as each group identifies with a different language, religion and culture.  Differences that were clearly seen and manipulated in the communal tensions that led to the separation of Singapore from Malaysia. Thus, the amount of investment in the state’s relations with any one of the groups is highly sensitive and restricted by its relations with the others. Evidently, after independence, Singapore was faced with both internal and external conditions of vulnerability impacting every level of society. Thus, in order to lessen such vulnerabilities, Singapore moved towards the method of securitization (Chang, 2019). This led to the prioritization of policies focused on countering and securing their vulnerabilities. This was actualized be a range of security measures taken. For instance, in 1965, Singapore passed a security proposal that would establish the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) responsible for the protection of national defense. In 1967, it introduced the National Service policy as an ‘exceptional’ security practice for securing their vulnerability.  Its implementation played and continues to play a dual role of military defense and nation-building respectively targeting both external/geographic and internal/social vulnerabilities. This was followed up by another security policy, in 1984, known as the Total Defense Doctrine. Implemented to “unite all sectors of society in the defense of Singapore”, the Total Defense Doctrine tackles military defense, economic defense, civil defense, social defense, digital defense etc.  These different areas of defense are conveyed to be, individually and collectively, dependent on the effort of all of society in deterring potential aggressors. Additionally, in 1970, the Ministry of Defense was divided into two ministries, the Ministry of Defense (MINDEF) and the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA). Each ministry became responsible for external and internal security respectively (Chong, 2020).

The continuous state of anxiety about the state’s survival has created an insecure environment that has reoriented the people to accept such securitization policies, especially that of conscription. The implanting of Singapore’s vulnerability as a prevalent discourse — reinforced by the implementation of security policies — has created a positive and exceptional attitude towards conscription. In fact, in Lee’s memoirs, he highlights the need to tailor people in a way that they would accept how essential it is to have “a people’s army” (Yew, 2000, p. 33). Thus, by the constant appeal to the people’s fear, vulnerability has been deeply-rooted in people’s perception consequently leading to a defensive and militarized mentality — a mentality that reflects the fusion of civil-military relations. As Brown claimed, Singapore legitimized its rule through “an “ideology of survivalism” (2000) which has been continuously used to compensate for the lack of national identity. The discourse of national survival became the means from which to mobilize the population and incite national consciousness. It has been further actualized and reinforced through conscription for the greater purpose of national integration —  a purpose that remains to be an issue for an import-dependent country within a region made up of its very close, larger and more populated neighbors.

Meritocracy and Elite Governance

The obstacles facing this young nation provided great incentive for an ideology of survivalism, however, it could not be exclusively depended on as a long-term resource. Although Singapore’s independence and expulsion from Malaysia left it scarce of both human and natural resources, it was capable of achieving significant growth as GNI/capita measured an increase from $34,576 in 1990 to $83,793 in 2018 (a 142.3% increase) (UN, 2018). Singapore’s remarkable economic and social advancement, in a relatively short period, hindered the credibility of the survival discourse making it no longer compelling enough for the mobilization of its people. As a young state made up of immigrants coming from different ‘native lands’, such as China, India and Malay states, it is consequently lacking in shared historical and cultural roots. Due to this weak foundation from which to construct a national identity, the government turned to different alternatives. One of which was elitism. With the rise of democracy and the idea of political legitimacy, elitism was left behind in the 20 th century. However, Singapore remainsan exception (Skrbis & Barr, 2008).

Considering the dynamics of Singapore’s composition, establishing a sense of national identity required an active, adaptable and leading government. For that reason, from the time of its independence, the issue of national identity was largely a governmental project. This goes to show that nation-building was not a naturally occurring process but rather ‘artificially’ developed through the policies implemented by a selected elite administration. An administration that has directly tied the survival of the state to its own existence. This is mainly reinforced by the government’s support for meritocracy, which is largely an elite-building process. Established as a foundation of Singapore’s national identity, the meritocratic approach promoted a system grounded on the tendency of achievement rather than that of ascription. From a highly competitive educational system, top performers are selected and trained into a ruling elite that would pragmatically guide and reform society from above. For that reason, the country’s investment in nation-building is largely intertwined with the investment going into elite formation. While this top-down approach certainly has an alienating effect, this elitist approach to politics — founded on that of meritocracy — has become crucial to Singapore’s national identity. This is largely due to the influential role of elites’ in shaping national and political discourse according to their principles. In other words, Singapore’s national identity is the product of the elites’ direct and active role they play, from above, in actualizing and institutionalizing pragmatic ideas and practices that would ensure coexistence. 

This is exemplified by the establishment of the Ministry of Culture, in 1959, to drive cultural programs that would foster a sense of pride, loyalty and national identity across a population that initially had no roots in Singapore. It launched the first national symbols — its new red and white flag, the state crest and state anthem. It created events and activities that explicitly promote nation-building and improve “inter-cultural awareness, racial understanding and bonding among the four main races” (Ministry of Communications and Information, 2018). It also established Singapore’s National Day Parade (NDP) which maintains, to this day, a military theme. The parade is continuously presented as a symbol of Singapore’s capabilities with respect to the country’s citizen army. In fact, quite recently in 2018, the Minister for Defense, Dr. Ng Eng Hen, reminded citizens of the significance of participating and sponsoring in the NDP:

“Because we can forget what it is about, we can think it is just a parade show. But as a relatively young and independent country, each NDP that we hold every year is about a nation still establishing itself, and not least through a common identity” …. “the NDP reminded us of the struggles in our past and that we can be stronger helping one another as a community” Min Zhang, 2018

This highlights their continuous manipulation of anxiety with respect to the country’s uncertain future. This consequently reinforces the relevance of conscription and the need for a citizen-army. In fact, a study was done on the previous PM, Mr. Lee Kuan Yews and the speeches he gave at 26 different National Day Rallies between the timeframe of 1959-1990. The identification and expression of threats in the environment turned out to be a very common theme found throughout most of the speeches (Tan & Wee, 2002). Evidently, elites play a significant role in their indirect integration of ideas into national and political discourse —  discourse that is consistent in reflecting a certain and consistent perspective of the nation. This is exemplified in the constant promotion of ‘national’ principles: economic growth, multiracialism, equal opportunity and upward socio-economic mobility for all citizens regardless of their ethnicity in Singapore’s constructed nation-building myth.

This has been established as a necessary tactic to develop a shared identity that can cut across ethnic and cultural lines. A tactic that has succeeded in reshaping the people’s sense of identity with a nation not defined by race but rather by political factors. Not only does this demonstrate that national identity is actually a social construction but it also highlights the important role of the elites in establishing and reinforcing it. Despite some claims of meritocracy being the means and justification for the ruling party’s continuous hegemony, Singapore has one of the most trusted governments. Not only did it rank 6 th among 180 countries in Transparency International’s 2017 Corruption Perceptions Index but it was also one of a few countries classified by Edelman’s Trust Barometer as enjoying high levels of public trust (Li Sa et. Al, 2018). This is most likely due to the effectiveness of the government in its commitment to the creation and application of ‘pragmatic’, rather than ideological, policies. This is more than supported by Singapore’s consistently high ranking on the Worldwide Governance Indicators (Governance in Singapore, n.d). The results of these different indices can be seen in the fact that decades have passed and the current meritocratic leadership continues to be re-elected. This has occurred in parallel to the practice of conscription which has also been maintained for decades with its abolition never being an election issue. Evidently, as long as the current system of governance is effective, it will continue to be upheld. Thus, the principles it reinforces, including the citizen-army mentality, will be preserved and consequently conscription will continue to be embraced. In other words, the maintenance of conscription is largely intertwined with the existence of the elites and their principles that have largely shaped national and political discourse.

Comparative Analysis

Both Singapore and Switzerland, among the richest and most politically-stable nations in the world, were built on their highly diverse ethnic composition. A diversity that they both embraced, institutionalized and executed. However, the product of each country’s historical roots and social conditions was an inverted style of governance. In the case of Switzerland, a bottom-up system is applied in which the local/canton level is involved in policy making. This is reflected by the emphasis on a high level of local/canton autonomy that can be traced back all the way to Switzerland’s origin. However, in the case of Singapore, a young state forced into independence with no common cultural and historical roots, a top-down approach was adopted. As a response to the lack of substance for a national identity (and the risk of conflict), the state applied strong political direction and governance in order to make national decisions that would filter down and shape lower levels. Yet, in both case studies, conscription as a tool for nation-building is successfully being applied. Thus, in comparing Switzerland’s consociational and direct democracy with that of the Singapore’s elitist ‘democracy’, the form of government can be dropped as one of the potential causes and conditions for the maintenance of conscription.

Despite the difference in political systems, both countries have strong institutions that are consistently ranked high in their performance and quality. One of which is the military. Both have developed a system institutionally strong enough to manage and prevent the polarization of factions. Their ability to do so has legitimized the authority of state institutions. It is also important to highlight that both states have created a government in which legitimacy is not founded on the sensitive power of ideologies. In the case of Switzerland, the government’s legitimacy is derived from the people and their high level of participation. In the case of Singapore, it is derived from merit. Therefore, their state institutions give legitimacy to the acts of the government as a whole, rather than the choices of a specific leader or party. In other words, their strong state institutions legitimize the authority and structure of the government consequently legitimizing their implementation of policies, including conscription. Accordingly, strong institutions seem to be a necessary precondition, and an essential foundation, for the role of conscription in national integration.

Another factor common to both countries that, in fact, brought about their existence- is their extensive vulnerabilities, both geographic and social. As both are small states surrounded by larger, more powerful and populated neighbors, the need to self-sufficiently secure their independence and survival was of upmost importance. This factor is not only common to Switzerland and Singapore but to most small states as they are the most susceptible to invasion or attack, in an international system perceived to be anarchic. For that reason, it is also important to highlight the response to such vulnerability. With respect to the case studies, both states have successfully adopted a strategy of deterrence, a strategy that has lost its significance and necessity after the Cold war.  However, both Singapore and Switzerland have continuously adjusted their policies to the type and level of threat present. In doing so, they continuously reinforced and actualized the idea of their potential vulnerability. This created an environment that was (and had to be) unifying, rather than divisive, in order to survive. In the case of Switzerland and its historical policies of neutrality and non-alignment, it gradually established a politically tolerant and accommodating culture. In the case of young Singapore and its securitization policies, it established the means from which to mobilize the population and incite national consciousness. Despite applying different tactics, both states have adopted strategies of deterrence and seek to preserve it through conscription, as it mobilizes the forces needed to assert these policies.  

The final common factor that explains the successful application of conscription as a nation-building strategy is the establishment of a common civic identity. Despite the different sequence in establishing a civic identity (whether before or after applying conscription), both states have created a common national identity that simultaneously respects and recognizes poly-ethnicity. They did not embrace ethno-linguistic nationalism, but rather promoted a common civic culture founded on distinct political features; features that were politically (and rhetorically) tied to the survival and independence of the state. In the case of Switzerland and its rich history, the cooperation of the cantons originally began as a way to defend a common set of political principles such as self-governance, liberty and democracy.  This need for civil defense paved the way for the need for conscription. The same set of principles that held the Swiss polity together at the time have come to characterize Swiss culture today. This establishment of a broader community based on civic and political values is also apparent in the case of Singapore. However, Singapore, as a recently-established state, established its civic identity after (and through) applying conscription. In contrast to Switzerland’s natural and historical process, Singapore has artificially planned and developed a civil culture to continuously promote and reinforce. Meritocracy is at the core of this as it has established a system running on hard work, merit, and achievement, rather than that of ascription. Such an approach has been embedded and propagandized in the educational, political and economic structure of the state, alongside the values of multi-racialism and religiosity. Thus, in both case studies, political and civic values have been used as a means to align and encourage an outward-looking perspective that would redirect groups’ allegiance towards the broader community that they are a part of.  A well-established community that conscripts, regardless of their linguistic and ethnic background, would be willing to defend and protect. It is important to note that the building of a common identity was facilitated by the fact that both countries do not have an ‘emotionalized’ population nor are they represented by ‘emotionalized’ elites. This largely refers to the fact that both countries have not experienced any prolonged and major internal conflicts. Therefore, the inter-ethnic interactions between the different ethnic groups are not as delicate or sensitive as popularly seen in ethnically-diverse countries.  

Implications

While the military might have been originally used for the sake of state formation, it is evident that it is no longer limited to such a technical purpose. Offense and defense are still the major functions of the military; however, they are being executed alongside another function, nation-building and cohesion. This is a social function clearly exemplified by countries that still apply conscription in a globalized and interdependent world dominated by all-volunteer forces (AVF).  

The study of Singapore and Switzerland has not only reflected the positive impact of conscription on inter and intra-ethnic interactions, but also its ability to further strengthen sub-groups’ allegiance towards the national community. In both cases, the states were aware that without internal cohesion, they would become more vulnerable and susceptible to invasion. Thus, their ability to form a state that surpassed the continuous threat of their heterogeneity was largely the result of the simultaneous building and reinforcement of the nation. In other words, since the absence of a common identity would hinder the building of a national community that is essential for effective state-formation, nation-building and state-building became a double-task that had to occur at the same time. A double task that conscription was able to tackle. This not only breaks the ‘stereotype’ associated with the idea of forced military service but also reframes our understanding of the military as a social institution. The military has the ability to be a coercive institution and also a social one with evident short-term and long-term influences on social attitude, behavior and consequently, nation-building. Such influences can be seen in both case studies today as their support for the conscription policy — in a stable and interdependent region —continues to be consistent throughout the years. 

Conscription has a potentially unifying impact on society. However, that potential and whether or not it can be actualized is dependent on the context in which it is occurring. By comparing case studies that have successfully implemented mandatory military service as a nation-building tool, I was able to extract 4 common factors needed to create a context in which maximizes the unifying potential of conscription: strong state institutions, geographic and social vulnerability, the adoption of a deterrence approach, and finally, the establishment of a civic identity. These conditions could be used to provide other countries, especially ones wreaked by division, with comparative lessons from which to learn from and use. Such lessons can be especially derived from Singapore, a young state with no common historical/cultural/political roots, that was able to successfully establish both a state and a nation in a short-period of time. Switzerland, on the other hand, is largely the product of its rich history and the certain circumstances from which it arose and developed. This makes Singapore more of a relatable and pragmatic model to follow and learn from than that of Switzerland.  

This research was based on case studies that have implemented conscription and succeeded in inciting a national identity. Thus, further research should be done on the existence/absence of the aforementioned conditions in countries that have implemented conscription but failed to incite a national identity. Also, considering that Singapore and Switzerland are among the most developed countries in the world, it would be more realistic to analyze the satisfaction of these conditions, or lack of, in fragile or deeply-divided countries. For instance, in the case of sectarian Lebanon and its weak state, it does not satisfy most of the conditions. Thus, unlike Switzerland and Singapore, would state-building policies need to be applied prior to the concerns of nation-building policies? Accordingly, is conscription only successful in developed countries that have already established a strong state foundation? In other words, can conscription impact extremely fragmented societies that have undermined the state? Would it not be possible for a strong and legitimate military to have a unifying impact in the presence of a weak state? Considering the implication that conscription cannot flourish in all types of environments, such questions should be pursued in order to provide more insight on when and where to use military conscription as a tool for building a cohesive nation. 

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Why Nation-Building Matters

By Roger B. Myerson PRISM Vol. 10, No. 1

Reviewed by Roger B. Myerson

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Lessons from a long career in expeditionary diplomacy

The recent fall of Kabul is a stark reminder that policymakers need to understand much more about the problems of nation-building. Some may try to swear off any further involvement with nation-building, but these problems cannot be ignored when failures of law and governance in weak states underlie a pressing migrant crisis on America’s own borders. As the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction has noted, America’s refusal to prepare for future stabilization missions after the collapse of South Vietnam did not prevent the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq but instead ensured that they would become quagmires. 1 To begin thinking more carefully about these vital problems, a good place to start is with Keith Mines’s book Why Nation-Building Matters .

Keith Mines has participated in most of America’s foreign nation-building missions since the 1980s. His first service was in the U.S. Army, where he served as a paratrooper in Granada and taught counterinsurgency in Central America. He then joined the U.S. Foreign Service in 1991. In this valuable book, he discusses experiences and lessons from his long career in expeditionary diplomacy, including missions to Colombia, El Salvador, Somalia, Haiti, Darfur, Afghanistan, and Iraq.

Mines has written this book as an experienced practitioner of nation-building, and I have read it as an economic theorist who shares his view that a deeper understanding of nation-building is greatly needed. In the quest for this understanding, I hope that he might agree with me that a combination of our practical and theoretical perspectives could be helpful. In particular, economists study agency theory to learn how the structure of an effective organization can depend on problems of coordinating agents who observe different information, and this theoretical perspective helps me to see broader principles in some of Mines’s key insights. Mines has emphasized that a nation-building mission needs to rely on field officers who can closely observe the political challenges in different communities, and he has recommended that such officers should get more flexibility in spending funds to support local political development. I would argue that these are key points for understanding why a nation-building agency is needed and how it should be structured. But first, I should highlight and summarize some parts of Mines’s book that I found especially insightful, in his chapters on El Salvador, Iraq, and Darfur.

Rediscovering Counterinsurgency in Central America After Vietnam

In 1984, as part of the American response to insurgency in El Salvador, Mines was assigned to help train soldiers for counterinsurgency in Central America. It was a time when memories of Vietnam made U.S. policymakers highly averse to nation-building, but Mines’s assignment put him in the one place where Americans were still focused on the challenges of nation-building. Mines’s chapter on El Salvador contains a magnificent section entitled “Counterinsurgency Rediscovered” which offers a distilled summary of what he learned then from masters of the previous generation, who had experienced counterinsurgency warfare in Vietnam, Cuba, and the Philippines during the 1950s and 1960s. His mentors while working on Central American counterinsurgency (including Lt. Col. Reynaldo Garcia and Col. John Waghelstein) warned against the dangers of relying on large American forces and heavy weapons to solve the political problems of another country. They taught that a nation-building intervention should involve a balanced mix of military and political support for its indigenous hosts, and America’s contribution must be strictly limited so that the hosts should never forget that it is their country to win, and it is their responsibility to offer a better deal for people throughout their country.

In discussing the missions where he has served, Mines regularly reminds us that the results of any nation-building mission are likely to include a complex mixture of successes and failures. In El Salvador, the notable success in negotiating a political settlement to end the war in 1992 was followed by a profoundly disappointing failure to secure the subsequent peace, allowing criminal violence to grow in a region that has become today the source of a serious refugee crises confronting America. Conversely, although America’s intervention in Somalia in 1994 conspicuously failed to forge a political settlement there, we should recognize that it did succeed in ending a massive famine in that country.

A Key Perspective on the Occupation of Iraq

Among the assignments that Mines has undertaken, one of the most important was his service as governance coordinator for Al Anbar province in 2003 during the occupation of Iraq. There he had primary local responsibility for responding to some of the toughest political challenges of the growing Sunni insurgency. His chapter on Iraq is the longest in the book, and it offers an insightful perspective on this mission.

The book’s subtitle (“political consolidation, building security forces, and economic development”) summarizes the mission’s priorities as Mines assessed them after he arrived in Al Anbar late in the summer of 2003. He saw that job-creating economic development could offer people some hope for a better life, but economic development was impossible without basic security, and security would ultimately depend on political reconciliation of groups that could act as spoilers. So among the challenges of rebuilding Iraq, political consolidation had to come first.

The formation of a broadly representative provincial council was key to any hopes for political reconciliation. During the early months of the occupation, civil affairs officers had done what they could to recruit various local leaders and sheikhs into a provincial council, and Mines later organized a series of local caucuses to elect council members who could be more properly representative of communities throughout the province. The provincial council served as a regular channel for complaints from people in Al Anbar, but its effectiveness was frustrated by its lack of any ability to exercise authority over a budget.

A group of sheikhs proposed to organize a Civil Defense Force to protect roads and power lines in the province, if the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) would provide regular funding and equipment for tribal security forces. They were offering to do essentially what was done through the Anbar Awakening three years later, but Mines was unable to get the funding that was needed to do this in 2003. Instead, the CPA put resources into national programs for recruiting and training security forces. However, in the absence of any national political consensus, such national security forces would be seen in Al Anbar as outsiders with no local accountability, and so it is not surprising that people turned to insurgent resistance.

In the fall of 2003, the CPA head Paul Bremer began a series of monthly one-day meetings with his provincial governance coordinators. Mines describes one such meeting where there was vigorous debate about Bremer’s plans for economic austerity measures, where Mines and other provincial coordinators argued that government-funded jobs programs could play a vital role in winning support for the new regime. I would suggest that, in such debates, we can see the importance of bringing local political perspectives into central policymaking discussions. There has been much ex-post facto criticism of Bremer’s early decisions about de-Baathification and disbanding the Iraqi army in May 2003, but what was needed was a broad debate that included locally informed officials when the decisions were made. Such policies, which would fundamentally affect political realities in every part of the occupied country, should have been formulated in consultation with provincial governance coordinators who were working to earn the trust of local political leaders throughout the country.

From this perspective, it seems severely problematic that Mines and other provincial governance coordinators were not even appointed until after these fundamental postwar policies were formulated. If America had established an effective agency for coordinating stabilization operations, this agency could have ensured that the interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan would have, from the start, a team of local stabilization officers ready to monitor local political challenges and provide vital guidance for the strategic direction of these interventions.

Lessons from the Mission to Darfur

The costly frustration of massive American-led interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq has prompted policymakers to seek different models for how a limited American involvement might effectively support an intervention that is led by countries in the region. The most promising model for such nation-building missions may be found in Mines’s chapter on Darfur.

In 2007, Mines was sent to head a field office in Darfur, where he coordinated American support for peace-keeping forces from the African Union. If American policymakers could study just one chapter in this book, this is the one that I would recommend for them to see how a strictly limited American involvement can provide valuable support for peace-keeping missions led by countries in the region. But the chapter deserves careful study, to fully draw out the lessons from Mines’s involvement in Darfur.

With authorization from a United Nations resolution, the African Union sent a peace-keeping force that was spread across Darfur in a series of outposts. Each outpost had a U.S.-contracted military observer to help with operational planning and intelligence, and so Mines was sent to oversee a team of field agents who were well placed to monitor and respond to events on the ground throughout Darfur.

One fundamental point that Mines emphasizes in the Darfur chapter is the vital importance of stationing officers in the field to get local information on the ground where the conflict is. Even before he got to Darfur, Mines was advised that, whatever uncertainties he might have, after ten days in Darfur he would know more about the situation there than the rest of the U.S. Foreign Service, and so he should be prepared to offer decisive leadership there. Mines’s basic observation about the essential value of field presence for building a peaceful national order may be worth quoting here:

Making peace requires hard work that goes beyond a declaration or a conference. It includes the gritty detailed tasks on the ground: reassuring, reporting, and shaping the political environment. It often goes against the interests of numerous stakeholders, and on a higher level includes directed force, sanctions and international pressure, and negotiations. But it starts with people on the ground, and the closer they can get to reality, the more effective and well-calibrated the policies will be. 2

Perhaps a simple peace conference could have been enough if the conflict had been between two highly disciplined organizations with clear, coherent leadership, but such conditions cannot be expected from a conflict in a failed or fragile state.

In fact, among the challenges confronting Mines in Darfur were problems of banditry by former separatist fighters, and the worst offenses were actually committed by troops from the one separatist faction that had signed a peace agreement with the government of Sudan. By agreeing to peace, the leader of this faction had lost the ability to send his fighters on profitable raids against government bases, so he no longer had the resources to pay and control his troops.

Mines observes that, in Darfur, the essential first step toward ending the conflict was inducing rebel groups to form a unified organization that could negotiate with the central government to forge a new political order in Sudan. The billions that America spent to support the Darfur intervention might have been more effective if even a fraction of that amount had been invested in compensation schemes as incentives for local leaders to back a peace deal.

Thus, a second fundamental point that Mines emphasizes in the Darfur chapter is the critical value of flexible finance (or “walking-around money”) for field officers to support positive political development in a distant country. A U.S. officer in the field might readily see how the goals of peace-building could be effectively advanced by allocating money to pay and equip the forces of cooperative local leaders in Al Anbar or Darfur. But in Washington D.C., where these local leaders are unknown, such an expense could seem harder to justify than a much larger allocation for training and arming the forces of recognized national allies, even when those national forces are distrusted by people in the conflict zone.

Mines notes that the U.S. military observers formed the backbone of the peace-building force, and worked in difficult circumstances to stop a genocide, for which they received little public recognition. But there was no regular system for keeping American officers in the field for missions like Darfur, and so as Mines and his colleagues left Darfur, they were not replaced. Thus, the Darfur mission was limited by basic issues of funding and staffing.

Toward a Doctrine for Nation-building

Before discussing the conclusions that Mines summarizes in the book’s Epilogue, let me say something about his basic decision to use the term nation-building instead of the term state-building , which many of us have used almost synonymously. If there is a difference between the two terms, it would be that nation-building should include not only developing the capacity of the government, but also encouraging people to identify with their nation as a whole. I was initially surprised by Mines’s expressed preference for nation-building as the term to describe his work, since he never seemed to get involved in any kind of public relations drive to foster people’s patriotic feelings. However, much of his professional service was devoted to helping to develop a trustworthy working relationship between local leaders and national leaders. I would suggest that perhaps a true basis for people’s patriotic feelings could be found in their confidence that respected leaders of their communities can have a positive role in the greater nation. If so, then popular enthusiasm for national unity would depend on a generally accepted distribution of powers and responsibilities between local leaders and national leaders.

So perhaps Mines is right to prefer the term nation-building , if it can help to remind us of this imperative to develop the essential local foundations for a strong national political system. Then a mission to develop the capabilities of Afghan government ministries and security forces could be properly called state-building , but it should not be called nation-building without some complementary effort to ensure that respected local leaders have a constructive role in the national political system.

Such a reminder is needed. When he attended a conference in Canada shortly after his service in Iraq, it seemed to Mines that the potential importance of federalism in nation-building was getting more discussion in Canada than in the United States. Mines observed that “U.S. thinkers and policymakers, with a thin understanding of the complexities and options in federalism, tended to miss many of the opportunities that might have been available in getting the country to the right political end-state.” 3 This observation seems astonishing when we consider that the United States of America was actually established by a revolution to defend the powers of provincial assemblies, and the need to maintain an appropriately balanced distribution of powers between national and local governments has remained a vital concern in American politics since the U.S. Constitution was written. But somehow, when Americans try to support nation-building abroad, there has been a common tendency to ignore the lessons of America’s own history and assume that foreigners could not have similar concerns about national centralization of power.

In the language of the American Revolution, the people who formed the fundamental basis for the new nation were understood to be the enfranchised inhabitants acting together in their local communities throughout the land. If this understanding had been applied in Afghanistan, the first principle of a nation-building project there should have been respect for the autonomous authority of traditional village institutions; instead, the American intervention focused on building a centralized national government that implicitly threatened them.

So we need a doctrine that lists key points to bear in mind when approaching complex missions like nation-building, and Mines’s book includes a valuable Epilogue in which he summarizes lessons that he would include in a doctrine for nation-building. Mines emphasizes that the first priority for nation-builders must be to support the development of a political compact that can bring people together in the nation. This settlement should address the local concerns of people in all parts of the nation, and economic reforms should not be pushed before the political compact is consolidated.

Mines also lists the development of effective security forces as an essential priority. But I would suggest that perhaps there should be more emphasis on the question of to whom these forces will be accountable. Without clear accountability, even newly trained security forces can be as abusive as in any authoritarian regime, as Mines saw in Haiti. However, accountability for security forces can be defined only in the context of a political settlement. So again we should recognize the priority of the political compact, but with a broader understanding that it should include decisions about the allocation of control over police and military forces. Where local groups do not fully trust the national authorities, some locally accountable police forces might be needed. This point may have sufficiently general applicability to belong also in a basic doctrine for nation-builders.

Finally, Mines discusses the need for an agency to provide standby capability for future nation-building missions, with a cadre of trained and experienced local stabilization officers who would be prepared for the challenges of helping a failed state to consolidate a new political compact and reconstruct effective government. Compared to what America invests in maintaining large, magnificently-equipped military forces which are prepared for conflict anywhere in the world, preparations for the challenges of post-conflict political reconstruction have been negligible.

We should emphasize here that the critical importance of flexible finance for local officers in a nation-building mission has fundamental implications for how a nation-building agency should be structured. To induce positive political change, its field officers must identify key local leaders and offer them appropriate incentives to cooperate in forging a national political compact. For this purpose, the effectiveness of foreign assistance depends on its local political conditionality, so that local leaders should understand that they and their supporters can benefit from foreign assistance only if they cooperate with a wider program of national political reconstruction. In a typical project for international economic development, we might measure results by counting the number of people who have observably benefited from our assistance. But when the goal is political development, it is essential to understand which local groups are benefiting and what they and their leaders have done to support national reconciliation, and such local political conditions are very hard for anyone outside the country to assess.

So there are fundamental reasons why a nation-building agency may need to operate under different kinds of fiscal controls from other agencies of the U.S. Federal Government. A basic principle for structuring operations in most Federal agencies is that American tax-payers’ money should be spent only with regular controls that can assure meaningful accountability to the American people through their elected political representatives. But in foreign nation-building missions, the ultimate goal is to support the development of a government that is accountable to its people, not to America. For American assistance to support this development, the criteria for distributing assistance must depend on conditions that can be understood by the local recipients, even if not necessarily by people in America. Thus, when America’s political leaders have decided that a mission to help rebuild a failed state would be in America’s interest, the budgeted resources for the nation-building mission should be managed by a team of field officers and supervisors who, by their selection and training, can be trusted to spend the money appropriately according to local conditions in remote communities of the failed state, where normal controls of the U.S. Federal Government would be very difficult to apply.

The possibility of future nation-building missions is not just an abstraction. Even today, the United States is challenged by a continuing flood of refugees from Central America who are desperate to escape from crime and oppression in their home countries. The problem of reducing this migration is a first-order political issue for the current U.S. Administration, but the problem is unlikely to abate until these countries develop legal and political institutions that can protect their citizens. Governance reforms have been resisted by small but powerful local groups that have a stake in the oppressive status quo. Increased economic assistance to these countries will not induce the reforms that are needed unless the assistance is supervised by field officers who can direct the aid to benefit key local leaders when they support these reforms. So the migrant crisis today should be seen as a nation-building problem, and this reviewer would be more confident of an effective mission to address it if experts like Keith Mines were directing the mission. PRISM

1 Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, What we need to learn: lessons from Afghanistan Reconstruction (August 2021), xii, 96, available at <https://www.sigar.mil/pdf/lessonslearned/SIGAR-21-46-LL.pdf>.

2 Mines, 152.

3 Mines, 282.

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Nation building and Pak Army

A nation is a group of people bound together by language, culture, common heritage and usually recognised as a political entity. Nation building means measures taken to streamline a nation institutionally and economically. Since creation, Pakistan Army has fought three wars followed by the Kargil war, war at Siachen and also against terrorism. Over the last 73 years, Pakistan Army has remained the most well managed, disciplined and responsive institution of the country, which besides defence of the country, also carries a rich history of making sacrifices and contribution towards nation building by assisting the government in various fields. Pakistan army has been repeatedly called upon for duties which were well beyond the scope of its role. The strengths of Pakistan Army include a large reservoir of disciplined manpower, organisational ability and strength, technical expertise and skill, accountability, sincerity of purpose, and experience in aid of civil administration. Most of the armies in the world are directly contributing towards nation building like the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China, the United States army, Israeli defence forces, South American armies and the Turkish army. There has been a production corps in the Chinese army since 1954; in agriculture, industry and mines, laying of railway tracks, construction of highways and civic facilities. Pakistan army has made positive contribution and impact in remote areas of the country like Gilgit-Baltistan, erstwhile FATA, Chitral and Balochistan, through the construction of roads, education facilities, water supply schemes, medical facilities through CMHs and medical camps. Frontier Works Organisation, raised in 1966 for the construction of Karakoram Highway, the all-weather road, was completed in 13 years from Havelian to Khunjerab. The organisation has also provided valuable assistance in natural calamities and the construction of roads and bridges. The establishment of communication in Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan was beyond the capability of civil organisation. Without the assistance of the Special Communication Organisation (SCO), all of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan would have been totally cut off from the rest of the country. The SCO provides telephone, telegraph and satellite communication to Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan. SCO is strategically defence oriented and is also playing a pivotal role in the country’s economy. The National Logistic Cell (NLC) was established in 1978 for the speedy movement of imported wheat from Karachi. NLC was also useful during emergencies and war for transportation of vehicles, machinery and tanks. The bulk of its manpower comes from the Pakistan army and it is under the ministry of planning and development and works under the supervision of the planning commission of Pakistan. The NLC is also playing an important role in the construction of roads, bridges and grain godowns across the country. In the health sector, Pakistan army is also playing a life-saving role in the remote areas of Gilgit-Baltistan, Azad Kashmir and Balochistan through CMHs and establishment of free medical camps. Pakistan Ordnance Factories (POF), a large industrial complex of factories, one of the largest manufacturers of engineering tools/weapons/ammunition, is contributing to the national economy as the largest exporter of arms and ammunition in the country. Heavy Industries Taxila (HIT), in collaboration with China, is contributing towards the manufacture of defence-related goods. In HIT, both army and civilians are employed where APCs, Tanks and artillery guns are manufactured. The Pakistan army was employed to revive the WAPDA in 1998 as serving officers inducted to manage the offices of the electricity board and vigilance wings. The basic aim of employment was to help recover the organization from losses as a huge amount was extracted from defaulters. Pakistan army is regularly called in for desilting/cleanliness of barrages, canals and connected arteries of waterways across the country. The Pakistan army, through planned afforestation, brought vast acreage of wasteland in cultivation besides the plantation of saplings. The Army undertook a large-scale afforestation campaign across Pakistan in the past along the border belt and other selected areas. The Pakistan army is also playing an important role in the agriculture and animal husbandry sectors. The army has an animal dairy, and agriculture farms and also breeds good quality milk-producing animals. Pakistan army also plays the leading role in promoting sports. Besides providing sports facilities, sportsmen, army also coaches promising young talent. The Army Welfare Trust generates funds for the welfare and rehabilitation of the orphans and widows of shuhada (martys), disabled, retired persons of the army and also provides employment opportunities. Fauji Foundation is a self-supporting welfare organisation; the beneficiaries are ex-service men, their families and dependents of the shuhada (martyrs). It plays an important role in nation building through its industrial and commercial projects and in generating revenue for the country. In the field of education, various technical institutions run by the army are being utilised for importing education/training to civilians in civil engineering, telecommunication, aeronautical engineering etc to raise the literacy level. The Army also runs public schools and colleges and federal government educational institutions in far-flung areas which has brought about a social revolution. According to Stephen Cohen’s book, there are armies that guard their nation’s borders; and there are those that are occupied with protecting their own position in society and there are those that defend a cause or idea, “the Pakistan army does all three”. The primary role of Pakistan army is to defend the country against all internal and external threats, yet it shares the economic burden of the country by undertaking nation-building projects because of its displayed performance, commitment, loyalty and efficiency. Pakistan is a symbol of national integration, unity and the strongest bastion of defence.

Pakistan, Iran sign 8 agreements & MoUs for cooperation

Masud ahmad khan.

The writer is a retired brigadier and freelance columnist. He tweets @MasudAKhan6.

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Introduction

No nation state can be built without first creating and inculcating nationalism. The Indian paradox is that we are an old society and civilisation but we are a new nation state in the modern political sense. In its long history, India can be considered to have been a ‘nation state’ only a few times: during the Mauryan Empire (321-185 BC), in the Gupta Age (320-500 AD), the Mughal period (1527-1857 AD), and as the British India colonial empire (1857-1947 AD). The dynamics of these near whole or complete Indian nation states has been that each time, it has risen out of a hotbed of internecine quarrels and fighting among small states: a tendency which is sometimes felt even today.

As a nation state, India comprises myriad streams of culture; 22 scheduled languages, 200 dialects, a dozen ethnic groups, seven religious communities with several sects and sub-sects, and 68 socio-cultural subregions. That makes us a great as well as complex society and nation. This very paradox also poses challenges in building India as a nation.

Nation  Building

What is nation building? Is it economic development and industrialisation? Is it building large metros, roads, schools and hospitals? Is it ensuring social equality and harmony? Or is it shaping a national identity based on our core values so as to mature as a strong and vibrant nation, proud and confident, backed by comprehensive national power to assume its rightful role in international affairs?

Nation building is a combination of all facets of progress. The last part stated above is the ultimate goal in nation building. This is also stated in the Preamble to our Constitution. In addressing the contribution of India’s armed forces in nation building, the starting point lies in understanding India’s military legacy. Military life, in its outlook and purpose, is heavily dependent on traditions of service imbibed over years of blood-stained history. These traditions, almost sacred to soldiers, can be traced upwards to patriotism and downwards to self-pride. These traditions are not only from the British Indian Army but also date back to the Mahabharat days. The Bhagwad Gita says, “Considering your own duty, you should not waver”, or as Guru Gobind Singh says, “Deh shiva war mohe ehse shubh karman te kabhu na taru. Na darro arr seo jab jaye larun nishchay kar apni jit karun”. Similarly, the Chetwode credo states: “The safety, honour and welfare of your country come first, always and every time.

The honour, welfare and comfort of the men you command come next. Your own ease, comfort and safety come last, always and every time.” An oath is the bedrock of the true military profession which differentiates it from all other professions. Earlier, the oath was based on the concept of “Naam– Namak–Nishan: Be Honourable–True to your Salt–Uphold the Flag.”

Today this oath is to the Constitution of democratic India. The armed forces are a true reflection of the basic national concept of unity in diversity. In an exemplary role model for the rest of our countrymen, soldiers of all classes, castes, creeds and religions are able to serve the nation with total dedication; living together in barracks, eating from the same kitchen, speaking the same language, and observing each other’s religious festivals. Secularism, discipline, integrity, loyalty, espirit-de-corps—these are essential values inculcated among our men.

Such motivated people not only make efficient and dedicated soldiers in service, but even after leaving the Services, continue as nation building role models for others. An important legacy of the Indian armed forces has been its totally apolitical outlook. As stated earlier, a soldier’s oath is to the Constitution of India and to the constitutionally elected central government. The ideology of the political parties or their hue and colour does not concern the armed forces. Our armed forces, unlike those of some neighbouring countries, have stuck to the concept of loyalty to the constitutionally elected government. They have, thus, contributed to the political stability of the nation and enabled it to develop its unique democratic political ambience.

Even in the insurgency-affected states of the nation, the Army has ensured an adequately secure atmosphere wherein India’s autonomous Election Commission can conduct free and fair elections. Even the Election Commission has asked the political parties, in a stronger and more comprehensive way, not to politicise the armed forces.

Consolidation of Nation State

The Indian armed forces have played an important role in national consolidation from the day India became independent. Few political leaders foresaw the mayhem that could result amongst the innocent people who had lived together for generations in the undivided India. The communal frenzy that was unleashed by the artificial boundaries of partition was at that time beyond the control of the police. In 1947, the police was insufficient: neither well trained, nor well equipped and suffering from the trauma of communal fighting. The armed forces, led by Indian as well as some British Service officers, had to control the furious rioting and enforce civil order. It is generally believed that the British left India with a bloodless legal transfer of power. But the birth of the nation state that we see today was not such a smooth affair. Hyderabad and Junagadh had to be coerced to integrate with India by what came to be known as police actions. In October 1947, when Maharaja Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) signed the Instrument of Accession to join India, the armed forces were swiftly inducted into Kashmir Valley and other parts of the state to thwart Pakistan’s design of capturing it by force. Later, the liberation of Goa, Daman and Diu carried forward the consolidation of our territorial frontiers.

Infrastructure Development And  Integration of Geographic Area and People

India is a vast country. Some of its people are living in remote border areas, far from the Indian heartland. The armed forces have played a significant role in integrating people of these areas and border states into the national mainstream. Many a times, a soldier was the first Indian to reach out to these areas and make the locals realise that they were Indians.

Deployment of the armed forces enabled governmental infrastructure to follow in the remote areas of Arunachal Pradesh (erstwhile North-Eastern Frontier Agency), Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, border areas of Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh and some parts of Jammu and Kashmir.

Till the late 1950s, the important Buddhist town of Tawang had very limited administrative links with India. The civil government representative was located many miles short, at Bomdi La. Even today, most Indians do not know where places like Mon, Moreh, Giagong, Chushul or Sumdo are located. The credit for initiating the feeling of nationalism in such areas goes to the armed forces.

The very establishment of a military station generates a certain amount of business and developmental activities in and around the station. This is how the government’s developmental infrastructure like roads, electricity and tele-communication could reach out to remote and undeveloped areas.

The armed forces have also improved the ecology of the areas wherever they are located. The greening of the cantonments and the forestation undertaken by the Ecology Territorial Army (TA) battalions in Uttarakhand, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and some other states has set a healthy trend for others to follow.

What about integration of the people? As stated earlier, there is no better example of unity in diversity than the armed forces. Unaffected by divisive politics or casteist social activities, military stations have always been, and are, totally cosmopolitan: oases of national unity.

The Indian army is possibly the leading force for inclusive development. The road and track infrastructure in the remotest areas over inhospitable terrain, has ensured outreach and connectivity with Indian citizens who inhabit these far-flung parts of the country. Combined with this the army has always taken the lead in building and running schools, medical facilities and habitat enhancing infrastructure in distant border areas. Interestingly, it has also been playing a key role in ecological sustenance through the various territorial army units.

Security of the Nation State

The primary role of the armed forces is to defend the territorial integrity of the nation state against external and internal threats. Strong and well-trained armed forces are deterrence to our potential adversaries. If this is achieved, developmental activities and nation building can be progressed without external hindrance. This is central to the concept of national security and paramount for all nation building activities.

Territorial disputes with China and Pakistan require India’s armed forces to remain alert and deployed along disputed borders round the years. History is witness to the fact that whenever a nation has neglected its armed forces and their capacity, external powers have been quick to exploit it. In the 1950s, we overlooked this important lesson of history and allowed the security apparatus to drift till the Chinese shook us up in 1962. We had to relearn this lesson through an ignominious experience. Post 1962, we have had several skirmishes against the Chinese: at Nathu La in Sikkim in 1967, Wangdung in 1986 and Doklam in 2017. The outcomes have made it clear that the Indian armed forces are alert and determined to defend national territory. This has ensuredthat  the Chinese and our leaders pursue agreements for maintaining peace and tranquillity along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and several other confidence building measures to improve relations.

Pakistan attempted to annex part of India’s territories in major attacks in 1965, 1971 and 1999. In all these conflicts, it was effectively defeated. In 1984, the armed forces preempted the Pakistan Army’s effort to illegally occupy the Siachen Glacier. Its many other minor intrusions and skirmishes along the Line of Control (LOC) too have been effectively foiled.

Internal  Security

Nation building is hardly possible when we fight and kill each other, referring to internal security and stability. For example, the riots in Mumbai of 1992, when the economic capital of India came to a standstill. Communal and inter-caste riots, Naxalites, secessionist groups, militants and other anti-social elements, aided and abetted by foreign countries: internal security has always been a serious challenge to our national security. The demand or the need to use the armed forces, particularly the Army, for internal tasks which are primarily a police and Home Department domain, has been increasing year after year. At a higher level of violence, we have fought, and continue to fight, full-fledged insurgency and terrorism in many states. The armed forces have not allowed, nor shall allow, any attempt by any state, or even a section of the state, to secede from the Republic of India.

The positive impartiality of the Indian soldier in such situations— odd aberrations notwithstanding—is legendary. By and large, the Indian soldier is looked upon as a source of confidence amongst the people, not only in India but even abroad. During such operations, the military not only fights militants and anti-national elements but also reassures innocent people feeling insecure or neglected due to inadequate civil administration. Large-scale civic action programmes are undertaken by the military alongwith anti-terrorist operations. At such places the Army has formed an Army Development Group for this purpose.

Ensuring a Secure Environment

First and foremost, it is the secure environment provided by the army as a guarantor of national and territorial integrity that ensures the path to prosperity and development for the country as a whole. Today the dimensions of conflict are manifold and not restricted to the border areas alone. Once again, it is this organisation which is combating the scourge of violence and terrorism unleashed by secessionist elements, aided and abetted by adversarial powers. As a vital organ of the state it is the army, the ultimate arbiter of national safety and security which ensures a safe environment for internal progress and prosperity. Post COVID-19 pandemic, the Indian economy is set for a northward trajectory and the stress by the government is on inclusive development. All this is not feasible without an adequate assurance of a safe and secure nation and the armed forces represent this insurance policy.

Disaster Relief And Humanitarian Assistance

Another area where the army periodically occupies centre stage is humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. The Navy has played a stellar role in providing critical help on foreign shores and also evacuation of Indian citizens in distant lands during times of natural as well as human crisis. The Air Force is vital during such disasters due to its speed and reach with both rotary and fixed wing air efforts. However, it is the army with its pan-India presence, especially in the far-flung areas of our country, which is omnipresent during any disaster relief efforts. Ideally, the various organs of state and central governments should come into play before the resources of the army are tapped for such eventualities. But invariably it ends up being not only the most potent responder but also the first responder due to its ingrained capabilities, equipment and disciplined application. The  army’s network of field hospitals, its transportation assets, engineer plant equipment and reconnaissance and communication resources with its nationwide reach, has saved countless lives and provided succour to the people of India, during any natural calamity. The army and organisations like the NSG which are populated by army personnel on deputation have the core competencies in areas vital for crisis management and resolution. These include aspects such as hostage rescue, bomb disposal, search and rescue missions, heli-borne extraction and even rescue operations from blind wells.

The nation has always counted on the military in every disaster-affected situation. If it is not an earthquake in some state, it is floods somewhere or a cyclone in a coastal area. India has seen earthquakes, cyclones, landslides and heavy floods almost every year. Despite the raising of disaster management organisations and forces, the armed forces are acknowledged as the most dependable rescue and relief organisation in such circumstances. They are effectively the nation’s chief rescue and relief forces.

Image Abroad

The armed forces have also enhanced India’s image abroad. Our forces, in support of the foreign policy of the government, have projected military power in Sri Lanka and Maldives when requested by these neighbours. Since the mid-1950s, the armed forces have been deployed in a large number of UN peace-keeping missions all over the world. They have worked in Korea, Congo, Gaza, Cambodia, Angola, Somalia, Rwanda, Namibia, Sudan and many other countries and done the nation proud by their impartiality, efficiency and dedication. This aspect has received international recognition.

Boosting Domestic Manufacturing

The flavour of the season and the pointer to future economic prosperity is ‘Make in India’. Once again, it’s the Indian Armed Forces which is a major stakeholder in the success of the ‘Make in India’ pursuit. Being the largest single service, the matrix of numbers related to its equipment and wherewithal are of a very large dimension. Manufacture of military equipment not only gives a boost to the defence industry, it also builds up a dual use ecosystem of many smaller items and sub-items which in turn encourages entrepreneurship, generates employment and multiple other benefits. Success of ‘Make in India’ for defence equipment will lead to an enhancement of defence exports, accrue forex earnings and contribute significantly to the GDP. It also needs to be emphatically emphasised that rather than being a drain, the defence budget should be seen as an engine for economic growth.

Many significant products including 155mm Artillery Gun system ‘Dhanush’, Light Combat Aircraft ‘Tejas’, LCH Prachand, Surface to Air Missile system ‘Akash’, Main  Battle Tank ‘Arjun’, T-90 Tank, T-72 tank,  High mobility Trucks, INS Vikrant, INS Mormugao, INS Chennai, Medium Bullet Proof Vehicle (MBPV), Weapon Locating Radar (WLR), Lakshya Parachute for Pilotless Target Aircraft, etc. have been produced in the country during the last few years which are being used by the Indian Armed Forces.

Trained Manpower

Within the country the army has provided key support to the central armed police forces in terms of training, equipment and cross attachment of personnel for absorbing best practices. Outside its own organisation the army has been a great facilitator in human resource development. The training and interaction imparted by its personnel to the youth of India, through the medium of the National Cadet Corps, is a stellar example. In fact, the NCC is widely regarded as an arena of discipline, duty and patriotism and many young spirits vie to don its khaki uniform. The army is also a great reservoir of trained, skilled and disciplined manpower, readily available for lateral absorption in other government organisations as well as the private sector. In that sense development of human resource has always been a hallmark of the Indian army.

Agniveer Scheme will help address the issue of unemployment to a large extent. Definitely, the intake of the Agniveers will balance out that weightage and ensure that the forces are not deficient or depleted in our manpower at any stage.It will aslo provide trained manpower to the civil sector after four years of service to the Armed Forces. Agnipath scheme for recruitment into Army, Air Force and Navy will make the forces young and recruits who exit after their tenure will prove to be a nationalist, disciplined and skilled manpower to the society.

Contribution to tackle COVID 19 Pandemic

Transport aircraft of the Indian Air Force ferried much-needed oxygen and other medical supplies from donor nations. The Indian Navy carried medical supplies from the neighbourhood. The Air Force and Navy both evacuated Indians from abroad and got them back to India. The Indian Army created dedicated Covid-19 facilities for civilians, and military medical personnel and set up hospitals and helped civilians in far flung areas of J&K and the North Eastern states.  They helped the district administration set up a new oxygen plants and helped repair local oxygen manufacturing units that became non-operational. And also provided skilled and trained medical staff to assist the civil administration.

Confidence in Uniform

The nation expects the army to perform, whether in war, internal strife, disaster relief or any other contingency beyond other organs of governance and the army can proudly claim that it never ever fails on this count. In fact, it goes far beyond this and will always remain a key element in nation building. The Armed Forces is a great reservoir of trained, skilled and disciplined manpower, readily available. Development of Human Resource has always been a hallmark of the Indian Armed Forces.

A nation comprises not just its economic assets. A nation consists of its people, national character and core values, its culture, its unity, and its stature in the world community. We need to build India as a nation on the basis of a common ideology, high character and stable institutions so as to help create a strong and powerful nation which can improve the quality of its people. The Armed Forces of India have established and sustained their credibility through dedication, sacrifice, professional competence, operational effectiveness. Besides being defenders of the nation, they are the people’s Armed Forces, with recruitment from all parts of the country. The people of India, the most important element in our nation, have looked at them as secular, positive and impartial. The Armed Forces are proud of this achievement and image, and these will certainly be carried in spirit to the future too.

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Indian Army in Nation Building

The secure environment provided by the Army, ensuring the path to prosperity and development for the country as a whole, is only a part of the larger and ubiquitous role played by the Indian Army in nation building

The Indian Army is a much respected and loved organisation. War anniversaries bring it into focus for the citizenry and any perfidy by inimical neighbours on the borders suddenly energises a nationwide interest in this very fine organisation. Beyond that, its role and understanding remains hazy or unknown. In fact, there are often critical voices raised about the drain of the defence budget on the national exchequer. There is a definite need for an understanding of the larger and ubiquitous role played by the army in nation building.

Ensuring a Secure Environment

First and foremost, it is the secure environment provided by the army as a guarantor of national and territorial integrity that ensures the path to prosperity and development for the country as a whole. Today the dimensions of conflict are manifold and not restricted to the border areas alone. Once again, it is this organisation which is combating the scourge of violence and terrorism unleashed by secessionist elements, aided and abetted by adversarial powers. As a vital organ of the state it is the army, the ultimate arbiter of national safety and security which ensures a safe environment for internal progress and prosperity. Post COVID-19 pandemic, the Indian economy is set for a northward trajectory and the stress by the government is on inclusive development. All this is not feasible without an adequate assurance of a safe and secure nation and the armed forces represent this insurance policy.

The Army is a great reservoir of trained, skilled and disciplined manpower, readily available. Development of Human Resource has always been a hallmark of the Indian Army.

Humanitarian Assistance

Another area where the army periodically occupies centre stage is humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. The Navy has played a stellar role in providing critical help on foreign shores and also evacuation of Indian citizens in distant lands during times of natural as well as human crisis. The Air Force is vital during such disasters due to its speed and reach with both rotary and fixed wing air efforts. However, it is the army with its pan-India presence, especially in the far-flung areas of our country, which is omnipresent during any disaster relief efforts. Ideally, the various organs of state and central governments should come into play before the resources of the army are tapped for such eventualities. But invariably it ends up being not only the most potent responder but also the first responder due to its ingrained capabilities, equipment and disciplined application. In recent years, the National Disaster Relief Force (NDRF) has been playing a pivotal role during natural calamities but it is still not large enough to cater for the continental dimensions of India. Therefore, behind the bright orange overalls the army camouflage uniforms are clearly visible in large numbers during any relief operations. The army’s network of field hospitals, its transportation assets, engineer plant equipment and reconnaissance and communication resources with its nationwide reach, has saved countless lives and provided succour to the people of India, during any natural calamity. The army and organisations like the NSG which are populated by army personnel on deputation have the core competencies in areas vital for crisis management and resolution. These include aspects such as hostage rescue, bomb disposal, search and rescue missions, heli-borne extraction and even rescue operations from blind wells.

Infrastructure Development

The Indian army is possibly the leading force for inclusive development. The road and track infrastructure in the remotest areas over inhospitable terrain, has ensured outreach and connectivity with Indian citizens who inhabit these far-flung parts of the country. Combined with this the army has always taken the lead in building and running schools, medical facilities and habitat enhancing infrastructure in distant border areas. Interestingly, it has also been playing a key role in ecological sustenance through the various territorial army units.

Boosting Domestic Manufacturing

The flavour of the season and the pointer to future economic prosperity is ‘Make in India’. Once again, it’s the Indian army which is a major stakeholder in the success of the ‘Make in India’ pursuit. Being the largest single service, the matrix of numbers related to its equipment and wherewithal are of a very large dimension. Manufacture of military equipment not only gives a boost to the defence industry, it also builds up a dual use ecosystem of many smaller items and sub-items which in turn encourages entrepreneurship, generates employment and multiple other benefits. Success of ‘Make in India’ for defence equipment will lead to an enhancement of defence exports, accrue forex earnings and contribute significantly to the GDP. It also needs to be emphatically emphasised that rather than being a drain, the defence budget should be seen as an engine for economic growth.

Foreign Missions

In the international arena military diplomacy in its various forms is a key element in engaging with other nations. The army has adequately leveraged its capacity of putting boots on ground by being the largest contributor to worldwide UN missions. It also provides invaluable support in terms of capacity building and capability development to various friendly foreign armies. Its training institutions have a sizeable presence of officers from such nations.

Trained Manpower

Within the country the army has provided key support to the central armed police forces in terms of training, equipment and crossattachment of personnel for absorbing best practices. Outside its own organisation the army has been a great facilitator in human resource development. The training and interaction imparted by its personnel to the youth of India, through the medium of the National Cadet Corps, is a stellar example. In fact, the NCC is widely regarded as an arena of discipline, duty and patriotism and many young spirits vie to don its khaki uniform. The army is also a great reservoir of trained, skilled and disciplined manpower, readily available for lateral absorption in other government organisations as well as the private sector. In that sense development of human resource has always been a hallmark of the Indian army.

Confidence in Uniform

The nation expects the army to perform, whether in war, internal strife, disaster relief or any other contingency beyond other organs of governance and the army can proudly claim that it never ever fails on this count. In fact, it goes far beyond this and will always remain a key element in nation building.

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THE MILITARY AND THE CHALLENGES OF NATION - BUILDING IN NIGERIA

Nigerian independence has spanned through 57 years (from October 1, 1960). Of these 57 years the military have ruled for over 32 years. It was expected that the new state of Nigeria in due course would develop public institutions and out of their multiple ethnic communities and diverse cultural groups would emerge the spirit of the nation. Unfortunately, however, at independence, the British not only handed over leadership to a class of educated elite, but also handed over a regionalized, ethnic based administration. So, the emergence of a 3-region structure for Nigeria at independence had implications for nation building. A conscious policy or plan of making Nigeria a nation definitely includes putting in place a set of cultural values and practices for all those referred to as Nigerians. But the question is, did the military in its lengthy years of rule ever have the ambition or dream of building a nation? This paper contends that the military rule is a dictatorship rule which in itself produced all kind of challenges to nation building. These challenges include; the challenge of power- sharing; the challenge of unequal socio-economic development, intergroup tensions and conflicts among others. The paper concludes that nation building is a task for all and sundry; military as well as civilian administration.

Article visualizations:

Abdulrahman, A. A., 2014. “The Impact of the Military on Nigeria’s Nations building, 1966 – 1979” Historical Research Letter 15: 17 – 22 www.iiste.org. Retrieved 18/5/18.

Achebe, C., cited in Gambari. I. A., 2008. “The Challenges of Nation Building: The Case of Nigeria” Lecture delivered at the First Anniversary of Mustapha Akanbi Foundation, Abuja 7/2/2008. www.mafng.org/anniversary/challenges-nation-building-nigeria.htm retrieved on 17/5/18.

Agbowu, D. A., 2000. Nigeria: The Truth, Censuses, Elections, Revenue Allocations and the Way forward. Greenville, Delaware, Bajot Publishers, 205.

Ake, C., 1981. A Political Economy of Africa: London, Addison-Wesley Longman Ltd.

Aluko, F. S., 2005. “The State, Ethnic Politics and National Political Reforms Conference in Nigeria” in Alli, W. O. (ed) Political Reform Conference; Federalism and the National Question in Nigeria, Nigeria political Association, 34.

Coleman, J. S., 1958. Nigeria; A background to Nationalism. Bekerly, University of California Press, 45 – 46.

David, B. G., 1970 (ed): Webster’s New World Dictionary, Vol II, New York, The World Publishing Company, 946.

Ehimika, I., 2003. “Ethnicity, Differential Citizenship and the problem of Nation building” in Olaniyan, R. A. 2003. (ed): The Amalgamation and its Enemies…. 167 – 182.

Elaigwu, J., 2005. Nigeria: Yesterday and Today for Tomorrow: Essay in Governance and Society. Jos, Alpha Publishing House, 384.

Eminue, O., 2006. Military in Politics, Uyo; Soulmate Press and Publishers.

Eshikena, J., 2012. Nigerian Government and Politics, Lagos: Fortan Press Ltd.

Fawole, W. A., 2003. “The Military Rule and The Unitarianization of Nigeria” in R. A. Olaniyan (ed). The Amalgamation and its Enemies: An Interpretative History of Modern Nigeria, Ile-Ife, Obafemi Awolowo University Press, 145 – 165.

Gambari, I. A., 2008. “The Challenges of Nation Building: Case of Nigeria” Lecture delivered at the First Anniversary of Mustapha Akanbi Foundation, Abuja 7/2/2008. www.mafng.org/anniversary/challenges-nation-building-nigeria.htm retrieved on 17/5/18.

Ibuomo, S. L. and Ekundayo, A., 2017. “The Nigerian State, Deprivation and Demand for Resource Control in Niger Delta Region”. European Journal of Social Sciences studies, 2, Issue 8, 297 – 311.

Ikime, O., 2006. History, The Historian and the Nation; The Voice of a Nigerian Historian, Ibadan, Heinemann, 294.

Joseph, R., 1991. Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria; The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic, Ibadan, Spectrum Books Ltd.

Miners, N. T., 1971. The Nigerian Army, 1956 – 1966, London, Methuen, 2.

Olali, S. T. and Ekundayo, A., 2010. “The Niger Delta Travails and Insecurity: Implications on National Stability” in Ashafa, A. M.: Challenges for Nigeria at 50: Essay in Honour of Professor Abdullahi Mahadi. Kaduna, Kaduna State University Press, 439 – 454.

Oyediran, O., 1996. (ed): Governance and Development in Nigeria; Essay in In Favour of Professor Billy. J. Dudley, Ibadan, Oyediran Consult International.

Pye, L., 1962. Aspects of Political Development, Boston, Little Brown.

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Security and development: Role of the Nepali Army in nation building

This paper aims to highlight the integral role of Nepali Army towards national security and development. The researcher has applied secondary source of research design to collect the information. The result suggested that the Nepali Army played a major role in the formation as well as the development of Nepal as a strong stable nation–state. For the national security, the Nepali Army had fought many battles. Their contribution was visible from the unification campaign initiated by Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1740 AD to the Nepalese Civil war fought between the Communist Party of Nepal and the government of Nepal from 1996 to 2006. Similarly, for the development of the nation, their role is visible in infrastructure development, building civil military relation, disaster management, nature conservation and so on. Nepali Army along with the national security has been expanding its role in sectors like education, health and recreation with the interest of serving the people.

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Narendra Paudel

We analyze the prosperity of Nepal in relation to security forces of Nepal. The main argument discussed in this article is competent and committed security forces of Nepal contribute to foster and promote prosperity of Nepal. The prosperity of Nepal means the safeguarding sovereignty, territorial integrity, nationality, unity in diversity and maintaining law and order situation in the country. This can be achieved through development of security personnel, formulation of good policies which guides security forces and cultivation of favourable environment in the country. However, there are risk factors associated with this venture if not working properly.

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Dr.Uttam Khanal

The history of the Nepal army is brave and glorious in the context of the world military. They protect their own motherland and also making independence, integrity, sovereignty for the nation is its motto. The great campaign for the nation's security, freedom and protection of the nation through movement is the main goal. It has made an incomparable contribution to the nation; war with the British-Nepal, Nepal-Tibet-China and World War also. It has been successfully achieved with skillful leadership of the military in the past four and half centuries. This paper is fully gathering important information of Nepal army for past to present now. It is getting to answer the question: What was the role of the army to protect the nation? What skill full tactics made to British war? Was Nepal's army leading a symbolic role of national unity? Why is the Nepali army bravery in the world? All evidence is taken using analytical methods, briefly of the army's history, role and geo-strategic importance, activities of historical expectation, skills used in different wars for national unity and integration. The army was organized in 1744 by the Gorkha state of Prithvi Narayan Shah and it was the first military structure in South Asian countries. The War of British-Nepal has been a proud history since 1814 and also written as golden words by the side of Britain to the Nepali army. It is very useful evidence for all Nepali people and from other countries of the world that the military will be bright in the future.

KTFT JOURNAL Vol-III

Subash Thapa

This study explores the pivotal role played by the Nepali Army in fostering national development in Nepal, specifically through its engagement in infrastructure development, disaster management, and other allied development activities. This paper qualitatively highlights the Nepali Army's contribution, responsible for a broad range of development projects, including road construction, river training, sewerage management, and disaster mitigation. Notably, the Nepali Army's experience and proficiency in dealing with difficult terrain make it an ideal partner for development work in Nepal, especially in addressing socioeconomic disparities. Moreover, this study discusses the benefits of the Nepali Army's involvement in national development, such as timely and cost-effective construction, community outreach, and geo-political considerations. Precisely, this paper underscores the significance of the Nepali Army's role as a development army, which is a critical component of Nepal's national development strategies.

Chiranjibi Bhandari

A sovereign nation –state requires a strong military institution and the Nepali Army demands its personnel’s obedience, loyalty, sacrifice and discipline to maintain command and control. However, as an established principle, civilian control of the military is desirable to the military control of the state. The concept of Civil Military Relations (CMR) is dynamic, evolutionary and country specific. Such a bond between an official security organization and the public in general change with regime shifts, external imperatives and technological innovations. The impact of regime changes and political movements has been observed in various aspects of politics, society in Nepal is not an exception. In this line, this article deals on the theoretical discourse of CMR, reviews the constitutional and legal provisions and examines the factors influencing CMR in Nepal from the period of modern nationstate formation to present days. Along with existing debates around the role of the Nepali Army...

Jurnal Global & Strategis , Khadga KC

As like in other developing democracies, it is obvious that there are many Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems in Nepal. A lack of national security policies and common national interests, ignorance of security sensitiveness, political instability, parochialism, mistrust, are prominent factors contributing to Nepal's adverse civil-military relations. However, the military thought has already begun to tuning with democratic norms and values should further be engaged in serious organizational reform that includes among others; enhancing professionalism, further accountability, transparency and loyalty of army to the civilian authority followed by earliest promulgation of democratic constitution with the clear provision of democratic control over armed

Laxmi Shrestha

This is an assignment written in the context of Civil-Military Relations in Nepal.

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The growing tensions in the southern part of Asia, surely ask for the new security strategy as well as the change in foreign policies of Nepal, as its influence over its surviving capability. This paper mainly evaluates the realist approach where Nepal needs to change the "intransigent policies" and gives a supportive explanation regarding it. At first, this paper will critically examine Nepal's existing domestic policies which is highly deepened from India's side. It will also examine the challenges faced by Nepal through this "special relationship" and answers for why there needs diversification in its alignment strategy. At last, I will critically examine the benefits of the new alignment strategy, from the realist approach. This theory explains the results of the change in alignment. This will be done by critically evaluating other small states' security and foreign policies approach, where they have punched above its weight, and how can Nepal do it too?

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Conducive civil-military relations (CMR) is essential for political stability, good governance, and the country&#39;s prosperity. However, there has been a misunderstanding or misinterpretation of this concept in some quarters in Nepal. The CMR is the relationship between the government and the military, especially the higher echelon of the officer corps, generally expressed as civilian control of the military. Good CMR is vital for national security and defence, which calls for organizing the military by balancing the societal and functional imperatives. While there are many existing theories in CMR, Nepal must focus on democratic civilian control as the country has embarked on a democratic political system. The features of democratic civilian control include division of authority between the state&#39;s organs and the military, parliamentary oversight, subordination of the military to civil society, and maintaining the credibility and accountability of the military. This qualitati...

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The Indian Army’s stellar role in nation building

Loved and respected by his countrymen, the Indian soldier is a role model for the people of India. The Indian soldier's role in nation building has been truly outstanding.

A Tribute to the Indian Soldier

GUARANTOR OF THE IDEA OF INDIA: The Indian soldier is the epitome of courage and unflinching devotion to duty. He is scrupulously honest, truly secular and completely apolitical. With an ethos of hard work, simple needs and frugal habits, more than any other group or community in the country, the soldier embodies and represents the idea of India. Loved and respected by his countrymen, the Indian soldier is a role model for the people of India.

In hail, sleet and snow, in icy blizzards and pouring rain, he stands sentinel over the nation’s borders in the high Himalayas. He maintains a silent and lonely vigil along the Line of Control (LoC) in Jammu and Kashmir J&K). He has held the Saltoro Ridgeline west of the Siachen Glacier, the highest battlefield in the world, with unflinching determination for over 30 years and denied the adversary the opportunity to alter the Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL). He has repeatedly shown his mettle while meeting the Chinese challenge along the Line of Actual Control! (LAC) with Tibet.

From the snow-clad and wind-swept mountains of the Himalayas in the north, to the steaming hot and humid jungles of the seven sisters in the north-east and the shimmering sands of the burning Thar Desert in the west, he never lowers his guard. Along the LoC, he braves daily spells of intermittent small arms and mortar fire from a wily enemy. Sometimes he lives through many days of heavy artillery shelling when the very earth around him shakes ominously. Despite the omnipresent danger, hardships and privations of life on the nation’s troubled frontiers, he stands tall and firm. Stoic and resolute in the face of adversity, his courage never wavers, his spirit never flags.

Guardian of the frontiers

The Indian soldier stopped the rape of Baramulla by Pakistani Razakars in 1947 and saved Srinagar from a similar Tate. He took tanks to the 12,000 feet high Zoji La pass in 1948 to push back Pakistani invaders. He fought off the Chinese despite being ill-clad for a winter in the high Himalayas and despite being armed with World War II vintage .303 rifles. In a battle that has gone down in military history as the ultimate example of courage under fire, he fought to the last man and last round at Rezang La, near Chushul in Ladakh, in 1962. Though he was heavily outnumbered and surrounded, he stood last against the Chinese at Walong.

He smashed Pakistan’s Patton tanks at Asal Uttar in 1965 with obsolete recoilless rifles. He stormed the invincible citadel at Haji Pir pass on the Pir Panjal range. At Nathu La in 1967 and at Wangdung in 1986, the glint of his bayonet made the Chinese blink. In 1971, he raced across the Sunderbans to berate Bangladesh and gave back to the oppressed Bengali people their freedom and their dreams. Standing shoulder-to-shoulder with him, his naval mates sank the Ghazi and left Karachi burning. His air force brothers flew rings around Pakistan’s Sabres and Starfighters (gifted by America) with their tiny Gnats.

In 1999, his indomitable courage in the face Of daunting odds and steadfast devotion to duty triumphed over Pakistan’s regular soldiers entrenched on the mountain tops on the Indian side of the LoC in Kargil district of J&K. As the world watched in awe, he manned his guns unflinchingly under the very nose of the enemy and, Tiring in the pistol-gun direct fire role, he blew every bunker on Tiger Hill and half a dozen other mountain tops to smithereens. He took back every mountain inches unparalleled valour in the face of withering Tire inflicted another crushing defeat on the perfidious enemy.

Execptional role in nation building

The Indian soldier’s role in nation building has been truly outstanding. He spearheaded the effort to integrate Junagadh (1947), Hyderabad (Operation Polo, 1948), Goa (Operation Vijay, 1961) and Sikkim (1975) with the Indian Union. He participated in the military interventions in the Maldives and Sri Lanka at the behest of the governments of these countries and was ready to do so in Mauritius. He helped to evacuate beleaguered Indian citizens from the war Zones in Iraq (2003), Lebanon (2006), Egypt, Libya and Yemen (2011), Ukraine and Syria – Iraq (2014) and Yemen (2015).

For many decades in the northeast and since 1989-90 in J&K, he has fought insurgents and mercenary terrorists unleashed by the country’s enemies to destabilise India. He has been ambushed, fired upon with machine guns, made the target of land-mines and IEDs and has been tortured and killed in cold blood by ruthless Islamist fundamentalists sent to wage a war through terror on India, but has never wilted. He has quelled communal and political riots and police revolts. In all the internal security challenges confronting India, he has never struck back in anger even in the face of the gravest provocations. In fact, while fighting with one hand tied behind his back, he has given a new meaning to the term ‘use of minimum force’.

He is called out regularly for flood relief all over the country. He has removed bodies buried under the rubble of earthquakes at Latur and Dharchula and landslides at Kedar Nath and other places in the Kumaon Hills. He coped with determination in the aftermath of the South East Asian Tsunami In December 2004. He has risked his life in cyclonic storms in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh to bring succour to his suffering countrymen. He has often provided essential services during strikes. He has taken medical aid to remote corners of the country. He has braved epidemics and plagues. He has quelled communal disturbances and riots. He has participated in peace-keeping operations and earned the gratitude of beleaguered people from Korea to the Congo, from Kampuchea to Bosnia-Herzegovina across four continents — Africa, Asia, Europe and South America. He has brought laurels to the country in the field of sport and often won most of India’s medals in the Olympic and the Commonwealth Games.

Flag bearer

Belonging to Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Christian and many other faiths, he prays, eats, lives, plays and fights for India together with his brothers in uniform. He is secular In a positive manner. He not only tolerates other religions but also participates in their rituals and observes their customs and gets immense joy from celebrating their festivals. He has evolved the concept of a dharmasthal where the idols of Hindu Gods and Goddesses are installed side by side with the Guru Granth Sahib and a statue of Lord Jesus Christ and soldiers of all religions pray together. On Dussehra, all soldiers participate with folded hands and bowed heads in Shastra Pooja regardless of their religion.

In many remote corners of the country, he Is the flag bearer. He represents the government of India. Whenever he goes on leave to his village and when he finally retires, he carries the message of nationhood and a disciplined way of life to all corners of the country. He has probably done more to knit India together than all the pompous politicians with their pseudo national integration programmes.

Often reviled, mostly ignored, sometimes venerated by the government of the day, he has taken it all in his stride. He has never complained. He has stood by the nation through thick and thin. He has held the nation together for seven turbulent decades. In the cesspool of filth, squalor and corruption in public life, he alone stands apart like a shining lotus. His life is one of honour, glory and sacrifice — of life and limb. His blood has hallowed the nation’s battlefields.

For our tomorrow, he willingly, selflessly, unpretentiously, gives his today, but asks Tor nothing in return. Apolitical by nature, he knows he will get nothing from uncaring politicians and scheming civil servants. If he frets about anything at all, it is about the national leadership’s callousness in falling to erect a befitting war memorial to commemorate the supreme sacrifice made by his fallen comrades. He is troubled that his brothers-in-arms lay down their lives “unwept, unhonoured and unsung”. But, even here he draws comfort from the knowledge: “On tame’s eternal camping ground, their silent tents are spread; and, glory guards with solemn round, the bivouac of the dead.

He has truly lived up to Lord Krishna’s exhortation: “Reward is not thy concern”. For him, duty is the most supreme religion — the only one he professes (Seva Parmo Dharma).

The Indian soldier gives so much, gets so little in return, and yet serves with a smile. He Is the quintessential Indian who has knit India together. if there is some truth in the phrase “kuchh baat nai jo hasti mit-ti nahin hamari” (there is something about us that we cannot be destroyed), It is because of his indomitable courage and his immeasurable Sacrifices.

Six months after Pakistan came back under the jack boot, initial public support for the Army has waned and the people are despairing of one poor governance having been replaced by another and more authoritarian at that. Writing in Dawn, columnist Ayaz Amir said, "Since dislodging a government in...

The twin terror attacks at Kathua and Samba in the Jammu division of Jammu and Kashmir on March 20-21, 2015, the anti-India rally held by Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Masarat Alam at Srinagar on April 15, 2015, and renewed attempts by the Pakistan army and the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate to...

The United States had co-opted Pakistan as a frontline state in its fight against communism during the Cold War, and armed it with Patton tanks, F-86 Sabre Jets and F-104 Starfighters. The sharp Indian reaction to the announcement of a new US arms package for Pakistan is understandable.

Writing in the Pakistan Defence Journal, General Lodhi stated; "In a deteriorating military situation when an Indian conventional attack is likely to break through our defences or has already breached the main defence line causing a major set-back to the defences which cannot be restored by...

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Nepali Army in nation building: Quality leadership is the key

Sandeep sen.

The Nepali Army has been a symbol of unity and since its establishment has cultivated the spirit of a united Nepal, like no other organ of the state. The Army has maintained its ethos that has proved to be a solid composition for nation building

States and armies are inextricably linked. In fact, the army is an institution that predates the creation of modern states. Historical account indicates that the army emerged along with the establishment of organised human communities, mainly with two important needs: To acquire territories and resources and to provide protection from hostile communities.

In short, armies were created with the purpose of forming and strengthening communities, and protecting the territorial integrity of a political community.

The army has been an integral part of the formation of modern states, and Nepal is no exception. The unification of Nepal by Prithivi Narayan Shah marked the beginning of the “formation” of modern Nepal, and the army’s role was an integral part of that drive. After the unification of the territories, constructing a national identity under a defined system of governance, which unites all the citizens and ensures political stability and viability, was one of the major challenges.

The Nepali Army (NA) has stood firm in its resolve to maintain stability and relentlessly supported the transformation and development of Nepal from ‘nation formation’ to ‘nation building’. While our country has seen a lot of transformation in our journey from the monarchy to federalism, the Army’s place and role have always remained respectable and stable. In an ever changing course of nation building, the Nepali Army has always stood strong to preserve the core values and vital interests critical to the nation-state from external and internal challenges.

The institutional history of the NA establishes a direct link between modern Nepal and its national territory as invading independent principalities and conquering territories through fortified armed strength was considered a common practice. The “unification” of the Baise Chaubise independent kingdoms and tribal territories that gave birth to the national territory of Nepal during the second half of the 18th century can be considered as the foundation of nation building. The expansion campaign led by King Prithvi Narayan Shah, from his small kingdom of Gorkha in the hills of central Nepal, was not possible without a strong and motivated army. Since the unification itself, the NA has, in the highest spirit of nationalism, stepped forward to face all challenges posed to the nation and has been a pillar of support to the people who look up to it in times of crisis.

The Nepali Army has been a symbol of unity and since its establishment has cultivated the spirit of a united Nepal, like no other organ of the state. The Army, in particular, has maintained its ethos that has proved to be a solid composition for nation building and national integration.

From national security to building roads, schools, public health facilities, vocational facilities, sporting facilities and provisioning essential supplies, the Nepali Army has been at the forefront of nation building.

Amongst some of the most important contributions to the task of nation building has been the untiring efforts of the NA in connecting the far flung areas of the country with the national mainstream.

Some examples are the contribution of the NA in building the 105-km Kanti Rajpath, 20-km Kharipati to Nagarkot road, 105-km Trisuli-Somdang road, 88- km Katari to Okhaldhunga road, 86-km Salyan-Musikot road and the 232-km-long Surkhet-Jumla road. Areas which were considered distant and desolate are very much a part of the network of roads created by the NA.

The Army has also taken responsibility to construct the 81.8-km Nijgadh to Kathmandu fast track. The fast tract project and other ongoing projects like the 107-km Chhinchu to Jajarkot road, 112-km Jajarkot to Dolpa road, 31-km Devsthal to Chourjahari road, 145-km Musikot to Burtibang road, and the 91-km Nagma to Gamgadhi road require a great deal of focus, resources and disciplined human resource to execute.

Domestic contribution aside, the Nepali Army has proudly represented Nepal in the UN-led International Peace Keeping Missions around the globe since 1958 and remains the 5th largest contributor of human resource globally.

Its devotion to duty and excellence in executing its responsibility have been widely acclaimed. This has contributed in maintaining a stable and resolute image of Nepal in the international arena.

Contribution of the Nepali military to the nation building process is dependent on its quality of leadership. Therefore, a conscious push is needed to attract the right kind of talent and human resource to the armed forces. The military by itself is also in a process of transformation and development along with the rest of the nation.

The relationship between officers and other ranks should adjust to change in the socio-economic scenario of the country. The growing levels of education and increasing awareness call for dynamic qualities of leadership and overall management. Only a motivated visionary leadership will be able to help the NA achieve its mission in every role.

The NA must emerge as a national symbol that represents the nation’s unique characteristic, which is “unity in diversity” in order to successfully achieve its goals and mission. The military virtues of sacrifice, loyalty and discipline have always remained and must serve as objects of admiration for the rest of the nation.

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Essay on The role of the Indian Army in nation building

Essay – the role of the indian army in nation building.

The role of the Indian Army in nation building Essay: The Indian National Army is the fourth-largest armed force in the world and the second-largest voluntary military force with over one and a half million active personnel. The fundamental duty of the armed forces is to assure national security and national unity, to overthrow external aggression and internal aggression, and look after peace and security within the sovereign borders of the nation. While providing defence and security remain the major functions of the Indian Armed forces, executing rescue missions and providing assistance during natural and man-made crises are amongst prime contributions towards nation-building.

The Indian Armed Forces play a crucial role in contributing to building a strong and secure nation. As such, it has more than one task besides military activities. The armed forces of India have carried out military operations since the crisis caused by an Islamic militia in Kargil in the 1950s and 1980s respectively and the apprehensions of Chinese invasions in the North Eastern States of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. The Central Reserve Police Force and the Assam rifles executed the multifaceted role of neutralizing the threats. Apart from carrying out military activities successfully, the Indian Armed forces have also fulfilled its significant role in maintaining national integrity during times of crisis. One such instance can be found in the Military’s functions of urging and evoking a sense of patriotism and nationalism amongst the youth generation of the Northeastern Region of India. The militant insurgency in Northeastern states of India involved numerous local youth of Assam and the adjoining states. A majority of the militia in the Northeast went on to become an integral part of the Indian National Army contributing to the defence force of the nation. The Arunachal Dragon Force (ADF) is an example of an erstwhile militia force that later became a part of the Indian National army.

In addition, the Indian Armed Forces have also adhered to its motto “Service before Self” as it has assisted in the rescue and rehabilitation of common civilians during natural calamities in the country. The army employed seventeen rescue troops in the states of West Bengal and Odisha to manage human and material loss during the Yash Cyclone that hit the states in 2021. It evacuated approximately 2500 people from the seaside region of ‘Digha’. Besides executing relief missions, the Army established the National Cadet Corps in 1948 for the holistic development of youth and ensuring education to individuals hailing from less developed regions of the nation.

In conclusion, it can be said that the Indian Armed Forces play multi-faceted roles to serve the nation. While the primary role of the Armed Forces is to carry out military functions in safeguarding Indian borders and ensuring internal peace and security for efficient governance, it has in the past catered to national integration of the nation. The armed forces have carried out rescue missions during natural calamities and also aided in education for the youth. Thus the Indian armed Forces are a dynamic and versatile institution.

Q1. What is the nature of the Indian Armed Forces?

Ans: The Indian National Army is the fourth-largest armed force in the world and the second-largest voluntary military force with over one and a half million active personnel.

Q2. How have the Armed forces contributed to civilian duties?

Ans:  In addition, the Indian Armed Forces have also adhered to its motto “Service before Self” as it has assisted in the rescue and rehabilitation of common civilians during natural calamities in the country.

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Why did Iran attack Israel? What to know about the strikes, U.S. response.

Iran launched a wave of missiles and drones toward Israel late Saturday as regional tensions continued to mount over the war in Gaza . President Biden condemned the attack and spoke with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to reiterate the United States’ “ironclad” commitment to Israeli security, the White House said. Other allies including Germany, Canada, France and Britain reaffirmed their support for Israel in the wake of the attack while expressing fears that Tehran’s assault could further destabilize the Middle East.

Iranian state media said the missile and drone assault was in retaliation for a deadly Israeli strike on an Iranian diplomatic compound in Syria on April 1.

What happened

• More than 300 drones, cruise missiles and ballistic missiles were launched by Iran in the first full-scale military attack on Israel by Tehran. Around 99 percent of the projectiles were intercepted, according to Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari, the Israel Defense Forces spokesman.
• Some of the projectiles fell inside Israeli territory, and one damaged a military base in the country’s south, Hagari said. A young girl who was seriously injured in the attack underwent surgery and was moved to the pediatric intensive care unit, according to Israel’s Soroka Hospital.
• Hagari said “a coalition” of countries helped Israel with intercepting the projectiles. The U.S. military helped Israel take down “nearly all” of the drones and missiles, Biden said. British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak said Britain’s Royal Air Force shot down “a number of Iranian attack drones,” while Jordan’s cabinet said it “dealt with” objects that flew through its airspace overnight. France also contributed technological support, Hagari said.
• Tehran’s attack on Saturday was “four-pronged,” according to a report by the state-run Tasnim News Agency, originating from sites in Iran, Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen. The commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Maj. Gen. Hossein Salami, called Tehran’s attack “more successful than we had expected” and warned that any retaliation by Israel would draw a more forceful response.
• At a United Nations Security Council meeting Sunday, Iran and Israel traded blame over the recent escalation. Iran’s ambassador said the Iranian attack was a “necessary and proportionate” response to an earlier Israeli strike on an Iranian consular building in Syria, while his Israeli counterpart said Iran’s actions “crossed every red line.”

Why did Iran attack Israel?

Iranian media said the attack was in retaliation for an Israeli strike this month on an Iranian consular building in Damascus, Syria, which killed members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps , including senior commander Mohammad Reza Zahedi and Brig. Gen. Mohammad Hadi Haj Rahimi.

Hamas expressed support for Iran’s attack on Israel this weekend, calling it a deserved response to the attack in Syria. Officials from the rebel Houthi group in Yemen congratulated Iran while downplaying their own involvement; Hagari said some UAVs and cruise missiles were launched from Yemen.

Israel has carried out strikes in Syria against Iran and its allies for years and throughout its six-month military campaign against Hamas in Gaza. But the April 1 attack stood out both because of its location — in a diplomatic compound, traditionally exempt from hostilities — and because of the seniority of the apparent targets.

Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, promised that his country would avenge the Damascus attack. U.N. Secretary General António Guterres condemned the strike, citing “the inviolability of diplomatic and consular premises.”

The Israeli strike also frustrated Washington.

Three U.S. officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss security matters said Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and other senior defense officials believed Israel should have informed them ahead of time because of the strike’s implications for U.S. interests in the region, The Washington Post reported.

U.S. officials worry about a multifront war breaking out and feared the Damascus strike could lead to attacks on U.S. military personnel based in Iraq, Syria or other parts of the Middle East.

Middle East conflict

How is the United States involved?

U.S. military forces in the Middle East intercepted “dozens” of Iranian drones and missiles, Austin said in a statement, adding that American military forces remain “postured” to protect U.S. troops and support Israel’s defense. He called on Iran to de-escalate tensions and halt attacks on Israel.

“We do not seek conflict with Iran, but we will not hesitate to act to protect our forces and support the defense of Israel,” the statement said.

Biden, who had directed aircraft and ballistic missile defense destroyers to be sent to the region over the past week in anticipation of an attack, said no U.S. troops or facilities were targeted in the barrage.

“We will remain vigilant to all threats and will not hesitate to take all necessary action to protect our people,” he said.

On Monday, National Security Council spokesman John Kirby said that Biden communicated to Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu that the weekend’s defensive actions had been an “extraordinary success,” and urged Netanyahu “to think about what that success says all by itself to the rest of the region” when considering next steps.

What is the recent history between Iran and Israel?

Iran has funded attacks on Israel in the decades before Israel’s war in Gaza that began Oct. 7, and its proxies have stepped up strikes in the months since.

Hezbollah, an Iranian-backed Lebanon-based armed group, has been firing rockets into Israel since the start of the war. Iran also supports Houthi rebels by smuggling weapons to Yemen, allowing the Houthis to prolong a deadly campaign of violence against commercial shipping.

Israel and Iran have been waging a covert war of assassinations and sabotage for years, The Post has reported .

More recently, Iran accused Israel of killing Brig. Gen. Sayyed Razi Mousavi, a senior adviser to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, in a missile strike in Syria in December. Israel declined to comment on this accusation.

Israel’s main focus for attacks in Iran has been the country’s nuclear program, which Israel has tried to undermine for years, The Post reported .

In 2021 Iran blamed Israel for an electrical blackout at Iran’s nuclear facilities, and more than a decade ago when a computer virus targeted Iranian nuclear infrastructure, the malware was suspected to be developed by Israel and the United States.

Kareem Fahim and Suzan Haidamous contributed to this report.

Israel-Gaza war

The Israel-Gaza war has gone on for six months, and tensions have spilled into the surrounding region .

The war: On Oct. 7, Hamas militants launched an unprecedented cross-border attack on Israel that included the taking of civilian hostages at a music festival . (See photos and videos of how the deadly assault unfolded ). Israel declared war on Hamas in response, launching a ground invasion that fueled the biggest displacement in the region since Israel’s creation in 1948 .

Gaza crisis: In the Gaza Strip, Israel has waged one of this century’s most destructive wars , killing tens of thousands and plunging at least half of the population into “ famine-like conditions. ” For months, Israel has resisted pressure from Western allies to allow more humanitarian aid into the enclave .

U.S. involvement: Despite tensions between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and some U.S. politicians , including President Biden, the United States supports Israel with weapons , funds aid packages , and has vetoed or abstained from the United Nations’ cease-fire resolutions.

History: The roots of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mistrust are deep and complex, predating the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 . Read more on the history of the Gaza Strip .

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