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UKEssays have been providing help and assistance to students since our formation in 2003. Since then we have complete thousands of essays and assignments to students from all four corners of the globe across a diverse range of subjects and specialities.

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Essay and dissertation writing skills

Planning your essay

Writing your introduction

Structuring your essay

• Writing essays in science subjects
• Brief video guides to support essay planning and writing
• Writing extended essays and dissertations
• Planning your dissertation writing time

Structuring your dissertation

• Top tips for writing longer pieces of work

Advice on planning and writing essays and dissertations

University essays differ from school essays in that they are less concerned with what you know and more concerned with how you construct an argument to answer the question. This means that the starting point for writing a strong essay is to first unpick the question and to then use this to plan your essay before you start putting pen to paper (or finger to keyboard).

A really good starting point for you are these short, downloadable Tips for Successful Essay Writing and Answering the Question resources. Both resources will help you to plan your essay, as well as giving you guidance on how to distinguish between different sorts of essay questions. 

You may find it helpful to watch this seven-minute video on six tips for essay writing which outlines how to interpret essay questions, as well as giving advice on planning and structuring your writing:

Different disciplines will have different expectations for essay structure and you should always refer to your Faculty or Department student handbook or course Canvas site for more specific guidance.

However, broadly speaking, all essays share the following features:

Essays need an introduction to establish and focus the parameters of the discussion that will follow. You may find it helpful to divide the introduction into areas to demonstrate your breadth and engagement with the essay question. You might define specific terms in the introduction to show your engagement with the essay question; for example, ‘This is a large topic which has been variously discussed by many scientists and commentators. The principle tension is between the views of X and Y who define the main issues as…’ Breadth might be demonstrated by showing the range of viewpoints from which the essay question could be considered; for example, ‘A variety of factors including economic, social and political, influence A and B. This essay will focus on the social and economic aspects, with particular emphasis on…..’

Watch this two-minute video to learn more about how to plan and structure an introduction:

The main body of the essay should elaborate on the issues raised in the introduction and develop an argument(s) that answers the question. It should consist of a number of self-contained paragraphs each of which makes a specific point and provides some form of evidence to support the argument being made. Remember that a clear argument requires that each paragraph explicitly relates back to the essay question or the developing argument.

• Conclusion: An essay should end with a conclusion that reiterates the argument in light of the evidence you have provided; you shouldn’t use the conclusion to introduce new information.
• References: You need to include references to the materials you’ve used to write your essay. These might be in the form of footnotes, in-text citations, or a bibliography at the end. Different systems exist for citing references and different disciplines will use various approaches to citation. Ask your tutor which method(s) you should be using for your essay and also consult your Department or Faculty webpages for specific guidance in your discipline. 

Essay writing in science subjects

If you are writing an essay for a science subject you may need to consider additional areas, such as how to present data or diagrams. This five-minute video gives you some advice on how to approach your reading list, planning which information to include in your answer and how to write for your scientific audience – the video is available here:

A PDF providing further guidance on writing science essays for tutorials is available to download.

Short videos to support your essay writing skills

There are many other resources at Oxford that can help support your essay writing skills and if you are short on time, the Oxford Study Skills Centre has produced a number of short (2-minute) videos covering different aspects of essay writing, including:

• Approaching different types of essay questions  
• Structuring your essay  
• Writing an introduction  
• Making use of evidence in your essay writing  
• Writing your conclusion

Extended essays and dissertations

Longer pieces of writing like extended essays and dissertations may seem like quite a challenge from your regular essay writing. The important point is to start with a plan and to focus on what the question is asking. A PDF providing further guidance on planning Humanities and Social Science dissertations is available to download.

Planning your time effectively

Try not to leave the writing until close to your deadline, instead start as soon as you have some ideas to put down onto paper. Your early drafts may never end up in the final work, but the work of committing your ideas to paper helps to formulate not only your ideas, but the method of structuring your writing to read well and conclude firmly.

Although many students and tutors will say that the introduction is often written last, it is a good idea to begin to think about what will go into it early on. For example, the first draft of your introduction should set out your argument, the information you have, and your methods, and it should give a structure to the chapters and sections you will write. Your introduction will probably change as time goes on but it will stand as a guide to your entire extended essay or dissertation and it will help you to keep focused.

The structure of  extended essays or dissertations will vary depending on the question and discipline, but may include some or all of the following:

• The background information to - and context for - your research. This often takes the form of a literature review.
• Explanation of the focus of your work.
• Explanation of the value of this work to scholarship on the topic.
• List of the aims and objectives of the work and also the issues which will not be covered because they are outside its scope.

The main body of your extended essay or dissertation will probably include your methodology, the results of research, and your argument(s) based on your findings.

The conclusion is to summarise the value your research has added to the topic, and any further lines of research you would undertake given more time or resources. 

Tips on writing longer pieces of work

Approaching each chapter of a dissertation as a shorter essay can make the task of writing a dissertation seem less overwhelming. Each chapter will have an introduction, a main body where the argument is developed and substantiated with evidence, and a conclusion to tie things together. Unlike in a regular essay, chapter conclusions may also introduce the chapter that will follow, indicating how the chapters are connected to one another and how the argument will develop through your dissertation.

For further guidance, watch this two-minute video on writing longer pieces of work . 

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Why study in the UK?

A uk education opens doors, wherever you go in the world..

From our world-recognised universities to our innovative teaching approach and the leading minds who deliver it, we have what you need to reach your potential.

The UK has been the preferred choice for some of the most important minds in history. One in four world leaders has studied in the UK, so if you’re dreaming of achieving big things, you can be sure you’re in the right place in the UK.

International students tell their stories Why choose the UK?

Ma global political economy, goldsmiths, university of london.

'My chances of getting employment increased a lot'.

BSc Biomedical Science, University of Kent

'I decided to study in the UK because it's very personalised. I feel really supported by the lecturers'.

LLM International Tax Law, Bournemouth University

'I can apply to hopefully get two years to work with a good firm'.

PhD, Social Policy, University of Bristol

'The career service that I've received in the UK is really helpful'.

MBA, University of Cambridge

'The MBA in the UK is only for one year, therefore I'm not losing any momentum I've built in my career'.

Find out what a UK education can do for you

Succeed in your career.

The best possible start to your chosen career

World-famous universities

With world-famous universities and quality teaching that’s government-guaranteed, the UK offers a higher standard of education, whatever you choose to study.

Access world-leading research

The discoveries our universities are making are at the forefront of global science and research. You’ll be at the cutting edge when you study in the UK.

Develop your career in the UK Stay and work in the UK for two years after you graduate

International students can apply to stay and work, or look for work, in the UK after graduation.

About the UK

From our ancient traditions to our modern and inclusive way of life, there's so much to love about the UK. Explore UK nations, food and culture.

What subjects can I study?

UK universities have some of the most diverse subject offerings in the world. Explore some of the subjects most popular with international students.

What you need to know about studying in the UK, that no-one ever told you

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Student life in the UK An unforgettable student experience

Discover endless things to see and do and make friends from all over the world when you study in the UK.

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There’s no better place to master your English than in the UK, and there are a range of English language courses on offer to support your learning.

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Why Do You Want to Study in UK Essay: Samples, Do’s and Don’t’s

• Updated on  
• Dec 14, 2023

If you want to know how you can write a great essay on why one should study in the United Kingdom , then you have landed on the right blog. We will give you examples of why do you want to study in UK essay. Maybe you want to write this essay for your college assignments, or you are preparing for a speech, or maybe you want to submit this essay to a competition. It doesn’t matter what’s your aim here, we will help you in writing your essay by offering you samples and do’s and don’t’s. You will practically learn here how to write your essay. So, let’s begin!

This Blog Includes:

Sample 1 (100 words), sample 2 (150 words), sample 3 (300 words), do’s and don’t’s.

The UK has always been my dream study destination. What makes the UK attractive to me is its world-class education and extensive job opportunities. Pursuing your education at a university in the UK gets you recognised by employers and academics across the world. The country is not just known for its academic excellence but also its rich and diverse culture. 

The UK boasts about 679,970 international students, demonstrating how welcoming it is to foreigners. The universities here are known to encourage students to be more creative, innovative, and expressive of their innovative thinking. 

These are the reasons why I want to study in the UK. This is all I wanted to say in my why do you want to study in UK essay. 

Also Read: Essay on Women’s Education

The United Kingdom is renowned for its top-notch education, thriving job market, and welcoming culture. I want to pursue my education in the UK because I believe it will secure my future and make me competent enough to face the real world. 

After completing a degree at a UK university, you will not only enhance your skills and acquire advanced knowledge but also receive recognition worldwide. The universities in the country have a good reputation for academic excellence and world-class education facilities. 

The country houses numerous prestigious universities that consistently rank at the top, such as:

I hope you understand why the UK is an ideal country to pursue education in this essay. So, this is all I wanted to say in my why do you want to study in UK essay. 

Also Read: Essay on Indian Culture in 500 Words

The United Kingdom is considered to be among the best countries to pursue education, with about 679,970 international students studying there. The country attracts tons of overseas students every year and for good reasons. It boasts world-class teaching, a diverse culture, a thriving economy, and a rich heritage. I believe that studying in the UK will give my career an immense boost. 

Here are some of the main reasons why I want to study in the UK: 

High-Quality Education

The universities in the UK offer a high-quality education, ensuring the employability of the graduates. These institutes provide modern and extensive libraries, sophisticated laboratories, and other academic facilities. UK universities constantly rank at the top, reclaiming their excellence. 

Some of the best universities in the country are:

International Recognition

The degrees offered by UK universities are not just recognised in the country but across the globe. Moreover, these institutes have excellent academic records. So, pursuing your education in the UK will allow you to thrive in your career. 

Work While Studying 

The thriving economy of the UK allows students to easily get part-time jobs, internships, and placements. Internships and part-time jobs can make your resume very attractive to employers. So, studying in the UK is very beneficial when it comes to seeking employment. 

Large Student Community

Over 40,000 international students go to the UK for the pursuit of education. So, studying here will offer you a chance to experience a multicultural environment and meet new people hailing different countries. 

So, this is all I wanted to say in my why do you want to study in UK essay.

Also Read: 🧑‍🚀Essay on Chandrayaan 3: Samples 100, 150, and 200 Words

We hope that the above samples gave you a proper understanding of writing the why do you want to study in UK essay. However, there are some do’s and don’ts you should keep in mind before you write your essay. 

Here are the do’s of writing the essay:

• Stick to the given word limit, 
• Make sure that each paragraph is in sync with the topic,
• Get to the point soon after giving a broad overview of the topic, 
• Pay special attention to the essay’s first line and first paragraph, and
• Ensure that the paragraphs follow a logical sequence.

Don’t’s

Here are the don’t’s of writing the essay:

• Refrain from writing very long sentences,
• Avoid spending too much time on writing the introduction of the essay,
• Don’t write very long incidents or stories in your essay, and
• Avoid stating facts when you are unsure about them. 

Also Read: Essay on Forest for Students in 500 Words

Related Articles:

Ans: The UK offers world-class education through its prestigious universities and boasts a diverse and welcoming culture. 

Ans: The UK is very welcoming to Indians and other international students, offering them extensive academic and employment opportunities. 

Ans: Ensure that you write the introduction, body, and conclusion in your essay. 

So, this was all about the why do you want to study in the UK essay. Many Indian students dream of pursuing education in foreign nations due to the exposure and career growth they offer. Consider joining a free counselling session with Leverage Edu if you plan to study abroad .

Abhishek Kumar Jha

Abhishek Kumar Jha is a professional content writer and marketer, having extensive experience in delivering content in journalism and marketing. He has written news content related to education for prominent media outlets, garnering expansive knowledge of the Indian education landscape throughout his experience. Moreover, he is a skilled content marketer, with experience in writing SEO-friendly blogs. His educational background includes a Postgraduate Diploma in English Journalism from the prestigious Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC), Dhenkanal. By receiving an education from a top journalism school and working in the corporate world with complete devotion, he has honed the essential skills needed to excel in content writing.

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How well are Rights protected in the UK?

How effective is the judiciary at protecting civil liberties.

The History and development of Rights in the UK

What has been the effect of the Human Rights Act? Has it worked?

Recent changes such as the Human Rights Act , Freedom of Information Act and Equality Act   and the creation of a Supreme Court has led to the suggestion that there is now a ' rights-based culture ' in the UK.

In 2001 Parliament established th e The Joint Committee on Human Rights which as a consequence of the HRA review the application of incompatibility orders which result from a conflict between the Act and existing or proposed legislation. The Committee is also an important watchdog with a general function of reviewing all new laws and thier impact on human rights with regard to common law and international law.

But the HRA has limitations,  while all new legislation must be compliant wi th the act and judges can declare earlier acts of Parliament incompatible with it they  cannot legally compel Parliament to make changes. This is because of the all-important concept of parliamentary sovereignty so the HRA is not entrenched (i.e. it's not a form of higher law like the US Bill of Rights)

So to be clear: The UK does not have a Bill of Rights!

Evidence for  rights based culture might be  an increased use of judicial review . The number of reviews rose from around 4240 in 2000 to around 15,600 by 2013. Examples of successful challenges to government policies include High Court rulings that retired Gurkha soldiers should be allowed to settle in the UK (2008), and that the government had not consulted fairly on compensation for people affected by the planned High Speed Rail link (2013).

Judicial Review Cases

A prominent example of judicial review — sometimes called `judge-made law' — is the issue of privacy. Judges have been accused of effectively creating a privacy law through the way they have interpreted the Human Rights Act. In a series of high-profile court cases, they appeared to give priority to Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (the right to privacy) over Article 10 (the right to freedom of expression), as claimed by the press. This occurred even though specific legislation on the subject had not been passed by Parliament, and was not a prominent feature of common law . This called in to question the principle of the Rule of Law since wealthy individuals, who could afford to take legal action, had an unfair advantage. For example, in 2008 the High Court awarded Max Mosley, the head of the Formula 1 motor racing organisation, substantial damages when the News of the World published a story about his sex life, which he argued had breached his privacy. Max Mosley failed in a subsequent case at the European Court of Human Rights, which refused to rule that newspapers should notify people before printing stories about their personal lives.

A criminals' charter?

Another serious fault for Conservative critics of the Human Rights Act is the way that it seems to show favour to undeserving individuals, rather than protecting the legitimate freedoms of UK citizens. The Conservatives have argued for many years for the replacement of the act with a new 'British Bill of Rights', which would establish the supremacy of British courts over the European Court of Human Rights. The case of Abu Qatada illustrates the frustration caused by the way in which the Human Rights Act was implemented.

 Unelected judges with too much power? - Judicial Tyranny

judicial review may be a vital means of defending citizens' rights, enabling the legality of government actions to be properly scrutinised but its critics argue that it places too much power in the hands of unelected and unaccountable judges.

Is the UK Supreme Court too political?

  The Judicial Review and Courts Act 2022  

The HRA has not prevented an attack on civil liberties in recent years

After the 9/11 terror attacks in the USA in 2001, and the 7/7 Underground and bus bombings in 2005, the HRA did not stop the government limiting civil liberties in the interests of protecting the wider community. Ministers argued that they were entitled to detain terror suspects without trial on the grounds that a national emergency existed. In December 2004, in the Case of the Belmarsh 9, the Law Lords (the highest court in the land before the creation of the Supreme Court) ruled that indefinite detention of foreign nationals, on suspicion of involvement in terrorism, was discriminatory. Faced with this legal challenge, the government passed a new law to introduce a system of control orders that enabled suspects to be closely monitored, such as through electronic tagging, a requirement to report to the police and removal of mobile phones and Internet access. Control orders were kept in place, despite adverse rulings by judges, until 2011 when the coalition government replaced them with a modified version known as Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures (TPIMs).

The Blair Government was accused of increasing authori­tarianism in the UK. The 2007 film, Taking Liberties, which examined the Blair government's record on civil liberties, even warned about the emergence in the UK of a 'police state'. 

Have civil liberties been under threat? If so, why has this happened?

The Labour government's record on civil liberties between 1997 and 2010 was a mixed one. In the first place, this period witnessed major advances in individual rights, widely welcomed by groups campaigning on civil liberties issues, such as Charter 88, Liberty, and Freedom and Law. The Human Rights Act was the most significant example of this, but others included the Freedom of Information Act 2000, which marked a major advance in open government and helped to establish a public right to know. Other examples of a strengthening of rights include the establishment of the right to roam through the Countryside and Rights of Way Act 2000. This was a culmination of many generations of campaigning by ramblers ( Ramblers Association ) and civil liberties groups.

On the other hand, Labour's critics drew attention to its civil liberties 'blind spot', reflected in the growth of legislation that expands the power of the state and weakens or removes civil liberties or individual rights. Various measures have contributed to this 'drift towards authoritarianism'. For example:

 The right to a jury trial was restricted in 1999 by new rules that made it more difficult for people accused of theft, burglary and assault from opting to be tried by a Crown Court (where juries sit), rather than by a magistrate.

Detention was introduced for asylum seekers whose claims have been refused, and access to the benefits system was replaced by shopping vouchers for refugees.

 Public order legislation led to restrictions being imposed on the right to protest.

Anti-social behaviour orders (ASBOs), first introduced in 1999, imposed a range of restrictions on (usually young) 'offenders', often on the basis of hearsay evidence and in the absence of a jury.

The Identity Card Act 2006 provided for identity cards to be phased-in on a voluntary basis from 2009 (although these plans were abandoned after Labour's 2010 defeat).

However, the government's most controversial measures were its anti-terrorism legislation, passed in the aftermath of 9/11 (the 2001 terrorist attack on New York and Washington) and 7/7 (the coordinated 2005 terrorist attacks on London). This gave the police the power to hold suspects for 28 days without being charged (ie told what they were suspected of doing) if they were suspected of terrorism offences.

Changes to Civil Liberties under New Labour  

DNA database, Double Jeopardy (2003) Anti-Terror laws, end of jury trials for Serious Fraud.

 Coalition reforms , Freedom Bill , reversing 28 days, green paper on 'secret courts',  and the Counter Terrorism Ac t   2015 ( Amended 2016)

However, some restrictive measures have been abandoned in the face of parliamentary and public opposition. For example, in November 2005, the Blair government's proposal to extend the period that a suspect could be held before being charged, from 14 to 90 days, was defeated in the Commons. The government then compromised on 28 days and abandoned a subsequent attempt to increase it to 42 days, following a defeat in the Lords in 2008. Under the coalition, the 28-day period was halved, and the Labour government's plan for compulsory identity cards was scrapped.

However, the public has been remarkably willing to sacrifice some liberties at a time of heightened concern over security. Governments have tended to place the safety of society above the protection of individual rights. This explains why pro-human rights pressure groups such as Liberty have had limited success in deflecting government policy. For example, Plans for a British Bill of Rights , Legal aid cuts , Internet Surveillance and Extending Secret Courts -2 013 Justice and Security Act (Closed Material Practices), which permit terrorist suspects and major criminals to be tried without the evidence against them being disclosed in full. The passage of the Investigatory Powers Bill — the so-called 'Snoopers' Charter' —which increases the power of the intelligence agencies by obliging Internet companies to store information about customers' browsing history.

In 2016, Parliament passed the Investigatory Powers Act, which authorises the retention of personal electronic data and its access for law enforcement.

 In 2020, Ed Bridges and the pressure group Liberty brought a case against South Wales Police over whether it could use automatic facial recognition technology. In its judgment, the Court of Appeal ruled that more care should be taken in how the technology is used. However, the benefits to society are ‘potentially great’ and the threat to the individual’s privacy ‘minor’.

In 2020 after a terrorist suspect was released from prison under an early release scheme designed to reduce the prison population, who went on to carry out an attack, the government promised an emergency bill to end early release. The bill was delayed by the COVID crisis but in May the government announced the Counter-Terrorism and Sentencing Bill, which as promised ended early release but also gave the police new powers to impose TPims . A TPim imposed strict limits on an individual's freedom. The new law would mean this could be imposed for an unlimited time ( currently they are limited for two years) and the bill would reduce the threshold of evidence to mean a TPims would only need a 'balance of probability' ie - you could be a terrorist !

Counter-Terrorism and Sentencing Bill

Reaction to the London attacks

TPims Explained

 The Johnson government’s Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022  was designed to limit the impact of public protests and has thus generated significant opposition from civil liberties groups.

 In the Queen’s Speech (2022) the Johnson government controversially committed to introducing a British bill of rights, replacing certain elements of the Human Rights Act, so that ‘there is a proper balance between the rights of individuals, our vital national security and effective government, strengthening freedom of speech’. The Human Rights Reform Bill received its first reading in 2022 but has not progressed. The influential Joint Committee on Human Rights said a planned Bill of Rights Act would restrict certain protections "the government finds inconvenient". Liz Truss's government  shelved plans for Human Right Bill with was design designed to give ministers the power to ignore human rights rulings from the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR).  

In 2022, the Johnson government controversially introduced a policy to fly asylum seekers to Rwanda rather than allow them to claim asylum in the UK. Designed to stem the flow of cross-Channel refugees and deter people-trafficking, the policy was condemned by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, as ‘subcontracting our responsibilities’.

Can asylum seekers be sent to Rwanda ? November 2023 

Nationality and Borders Act 2022: The Nationality and Borders Bill was introduced into the House of Commons in July 2021 and On 27 April 2022 the  Nationality and Border Bill became an Act of law .       Criticisms around the Act include concerns around its departure from international convention and possible incompatibility with international law, and the creation of a two–tier system for refugees, which will penalise those who enter the UK through unofficial routes . Amongst other elements, it proposes to introduce "designated places" or "offshore" asylum hubs for application of refugee and migrant asylum claims, potentially in another European country or an African country  

Essay: How effective are the judiciary at protecting civil rights in the UK (30) Edexcel/AQA A Level

The UK judiciary has several methods at its disposal that provide an effective protection of civil liberties in the UK. However, in practice, there are several shortcomings that make these protections weak in the face of Parliamentary pressure, which will be demonstrated in this essay.

In terms of rights protections, perhaps the most important development in the protection of rights in the UK has been the installation of the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law via the Human Rights Act 1998. This act effectively has provided a concrete document that outlines the rights of citizens. Since the passing of this act, judges have been able rule more confidently based on the legislation rather than using complex declarations of the common law via precedents. The increased ease for judges and clarity for citizens has increased the effectiveness of rights protection by the judiciary because now the judiciary can use articles in the HR Act to rule in favour of individuals. For example, in the case of Catherine Zeta Jones v. Hello Magazine 2001, the court was able to rule clearly that the article 8 right to privacy outweighed the magazine's article 10 right to expression and thus Zeta Jones' wedding was allowed to remain private. This clearly shows an effective protection of liberty by judges.

Furthermore, a vital protection of liberties can be exercised via judicial review. Judicial review is a process that is conducted in the Supreme Court that hears an appeal over the lawfulness of a case. It is not focused on the rights and wrongs of a case, this would be a case for appeal courts following the above methods, judicial review is simply an examination of the lawfulness of a case. For example, in the case of Home Secretary v. AP 2010 an appeal allowing the government to detain AP on a control order was taken to the Supreme Court to review its lawfulness. The Supreme Court ruled that in fact, based on the 2008 JJ case as a precedent, the appeal court's ruling in fact constituted a breach of article 5, and that the article 5 interests also contributed to breaches under article 8 of the act. The resulting ruling was that the government control order was 'ultra vires' and had to be rescinded. In this way, the judiciary's ability to reverse executive action by ruling it beyond its powers provides a very effective protection of liberties in the UK. Other examples of ministers being ruled ultra vires and ordered to reverse actions following judicial review include the freezing of terrorist assets with parliamentary approval in 2005, and more recently the reversal of Theresa May's immigration points system which again had not consulted Parliament.

Finally, if both the above methods fail then the individual can take their appeal to the European Court of Human Rights. Rulings from Europe are effectively binding on government and often defend the individual. Examples include the Hurst case in 2004 where voting bans for prisoners were ruled in breach of the ECHR, and more recently in 2012 with the blocking of Home Office attempts to deport terror suspect Abu Qatada to Jordan. Both of these cases have proved effectively binding on Parliament and while the prisoners votes issue is still ongoing, Qatada has avoided deportation since 2001 via the courts. This shows the huge protections that judges can impart on civil liberties.

On the other hand, the sovereignty of Parliament does provide a large hindrance to the judiciary's ability to protect liberty. Acts of Parliament are binding on all bodies within the UK, including the Supreme Court. The sovereign status of Parliament puts it above the judiciary, and if a ruling is passed that the government do not like, they can always legislate to avoid the ruling. This was seen in 2005 when in response to the Belmarsh case the government passed the 2005 Prevention of Terrorism Act. This act allowed the use of control orders which got around the judicial ruling banning detention without trial. This shows that the sovereignty of Parliament hinders the judiciary's ability to protect liberty.

In addition to this, judges cannot be pro-active in Britain and must wait for appeals to come before engaging in their protective role. The Belmarsh case of 2004 was 3 years after the original 2001 Anti Terrorism Act and was not brought until the pressure group Liberty brought the case forward in behalf of the detainees. This means that erosion of civil liberty can stand for years until someone challenges it, making the effectiveness of judges appear weak.

Finally, due to the lack of an entrenched constitution, erosion of civil liberty is very easy for the government to do, and very difficult for judges to reverse. Labour's range of anti-terror laws followed by ID cards, the DNA database and expansion of CCTV all were programs that the judges could do nothing about. The sovereignty of Parliament and the implicit nature of the liberty erosion in these bills made it impossible for the judges to overturn any of these provisions, even though they constitute a clear breach of privacy and liberty. The fact that it took subsequent acts of Parliament to overturn these measures shows that while judges can act like an irritation, if Parliament is resolved it can do anything, including scrap the Human Rights Act. This hinders the effectiveness of the judiciary to protect liberty, because if they had outright power to strike down laws like the US Supreme Court, the protection would be far more extensive and effective.

In conclusion, it is clear from the evidence that on a day to day basis rights are generally fairly and effectively protected by the judiciary. The national debate over whether judges have too much power in backlash to the Abu Qatada situation is evidence that in fact judges do effectively protect civil liberties. However, with the drawbacks highlighted, all it takes is for a resolved Parliament to decide national security is under threat for them to erode liberty at will, with the judges powerless to strike down law. For this reason, there remains an underlying ineffectiveness in what the judges can do to protect liberty in the UK.

A grade ' A' essay- which was written in timed conditions over 45 minutes

How well are  rights are protected by:

Legislation/parliament: .

During the pandemic laws were passed with limited scrutiny . At the start of the crisis, the Coronavirus Act formed the central part of the government’s response to COVID-19. The Act was passed by Parliament in just 4 working days, in March 2020. The speed at which it was passed might suggest that it was subjected to relatively little parliamentary scrutiny, demonstrating the strength of the executive. The Act has given the government an enormous range of powers, largely to impose new regulations in response to COVID-19. These can be introduced without parliament scrutiny.  

Even in non pandemic time Parliament is dominated by the executive. How well does Parliament fulfill its functions?

Human Rights Act  

Pressure groups . 

Case study liberty, case study amnesty.

Case study : The Electoral Reform Society and voter ID  

Case study : Liberty and vaccine passports  

Case study : the 3million and local voting rights for EU citizens  

The Constitution 

 The Supreme Court has been seen as a ‘missed opportunity’ by those who favour more radical reform, particularly by those who call for an entrenched bill of rights  

Freedom of Information Act

Human Rights Act

Criticisms of the Constitution  

Party Discipline and Elective Dictatorship  

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All Things Are Too Small by Becca Rothfeld review – bracing and brilliant essay collection

The iconoclastic US author’s intellectually poised critique of minimalism boasts scintillating writing of breadth and power

B ecca Rothfeld is a dynamo. I had not come across her before picking up All Things Are Too Small and was unprepared for the book’s extraordinary clout and reach. She is an American journalist (a contributor to the New Yorker and the New York Times and a critic on the Washington Post ), a philosopher, polemicist and a wit. She challenges, in this bracing, original and intellectually poised collection of essays, many of our unquestioning modern assumptions and, most persuasively, takes aim at the promotion of minimalism as an ideal for our living spaces, novels and ourselves.

Nothing, in Rothfeld’s view, succeeds like excess and she packs so much into her opening essay about why it is OK to want more (the most extravagant of Oliver Twists) that you feel richly fed before even turning the first page. She includes the 13th-century Dutch mystic Hadewijch of Brabant ( from whom her title is taken ), Herman Melville’s Moby-Dick , the critic James Wood and even makes time to sympathise with a random man sighted in a restaurant who wolfed down three dishes of pasta in a row, commenting that he wouldn’t have had to have third helpings “if any plate available were big enough”.

Inevitably, Rothfeld, revelling in plurality, does not neglect to launch a scornful attack on an obvious target: tidying guru Marie Kondo . She claims to be nonplussed by Kondo’s notorious method, which she describes as “touching items to determine whether they ‘spark joy’, then summarily tossing anything that induces more complex emotions, or, God forbid, thought”. To be thought-free is something of which Rothfeld herself is incapable. She rails against blank-slateism. She notes that “the mechanism by which tossing old T-shirts is supposed to effect rebirth remains hazy”. She broods about whether “stuffing the local landfill is sufficient to effect widespread egalitarian overhaul”. And there is – naturally – more. She convincingly laments the decluttering of contemporary literature, which she believes has produced many self-involved, overpruned and fragmented novels. She includes a respectful yet highly critical and underwhelmed essay on Sally Rooney and her “politically anodyne” work.

I enjoy trying to declutter and recognise the value of mindfulness (a decluttering, with any luck, of the mind) but this did not spoil my delight at her refreshingly unconvinced essay on the subject. She describes her “virtuous boredom” trying to meditate and absolute lack of interest in what her own breath is doing. Above all, she denounces the way that meditation, as she sees it, encourages a defeatist passivity. In a fiercely unequal world, she argues, trying to persuade people to accept unfair circumstances is unacceptable. Mindfulness “falsely assumes that our dissatisfaction is always attributable to mental mismanagement, never to circumstances of genuine injustice”.

Elsewhere, Rothfeld writes where devils fear to tread – about sex, beauty and desire and about consumption and consummation. There is a brilliant and startling essay, The Flesh, It Makes You Crazy, which includes a description of the lust she feels for her husband. I kept wondering how he might feel about this tribute (imagining him, sitting in armchair, hands over eyes). The obvious question she gives rise to is: can you have – or be – too much of a good thing? She writes scaldingly about “new puritan” writers Christine Emba and Louise Perry, and emphasises that the erotic is “its own wild creature, for which there is (and can be) no established idiom”. She exposes the stifling conservatism of Emba and Perry and the tyranny to which their prudish conclusions lead.

In the acknowledgments, Rothfeld thanks her editor for “trusting me to write at ecstatic length”. And it is part of her scintillating achievement, in this book of appetite, to make one vow never again to use the phrase “less is more” under any circumstances. And yet, having said that, it is also the case – whisper it – that Rothfeld, who writes with such zest, could have got away with painlessly trimming one or two of these essays. And this is because, as a brilliant and decisive iconoclast, she also has the potential to be precisely what she would like to avoid: a compendious miniaturist.

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UCL LLM graduate, Dheemanth Vangimalla, wins an international research essay prize

3 April 2024

UCL Laws LLM graduate, Dheemanth Vangimalla, wins the top award in the 4iP Council Research Awards 2023 for a paper based on his LLM research dissertation.

We are delighted to announce that Dheemanth Vangimalla, a recent UCL Laws graduate of the LLM in Intellectual Property Law has received the top award in the prestigious 4iP Council Research Awards for 2023 for his paper entitled ‘Plausibility and the flotilla: have the English courts drifted from the commodore’s approach to the evidential requirement for patent validity, and if so, is this divergence justified?’

The 4iP Council Research Award is an international research competition for European University students studying at Masters and PhD levels. It seeks to promote new ideas on topics pertinent to the interplay between intellectual property rights and innovation. Submissions, based on a student’s Masters or PhD research, are assessed by 4iP Council’s Research Award Jury made up of intellectual property experts from academia, government and industry. The papers are evaluated based on criteria including:

• Original thinking that broadens the debate on the chosen topic;
• High quality written expression; and
• Relevance to current IP problems and debate

and up to three prizes are awarded (winner and two runners-up).

In his winning paper, Dheemanth considered the origins of ‘plausibility’ and explored the evidential requirement that the term represents. His research revealed that there is divergence between the EPO and English courts in the evidential standard applied by the two decision-making bodies when assessing patent validity. He argues that the English courts adopting a higher standard lacks cogent justification as the standard neither reflects a balance between the competing objectives of the patent system nor limits a plausibility assessment to its targeted mischief. 

This paper was based on Dheemanth’s dissertation for his LLM in Intellectual Property Law, which was also recently awarded the IBIL Prize for Top Performance in an IP-related Research Essay on the LLM . During his LLM, Dheemanth was supervised by our IBIL scholarship PhD researcher, Joshua Bradley .

As part of the prize, the winning essay has been published on 4iP Council’s website , which will be accompanied by a podcast interview with the winners in due course.

Having completed his LLM in the summer of 2023, Dheemanth has been working as a Research Assistant at the UCL Institute of Brand and Innovation Law  (IBIL), while also completing his bar exams. He will join Three New Square Chambers in the autumn as a pupil barrister.

• Read Dheemanth’s paper here .
• Find out more about the 4iP Council Research Awards .

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Mr. President: If you force me to choose, you will lose

OPINION: The Biden administration's proposal to cut funding to the Charter Schools Program will leave parents little choice come November.

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Editor’s note: The following article is an op-ed, and the views expressed are the author’s own. Read more opinions on theGrio.

I vote in every election. When it comes to casting a ballot, whether it’s for president, Congress, state legislators, governor, mayor or city council, I am always going to vote based on what’s best for my child. There is nothing a candidate can say about any issue that will change this calculus. If I don’t believe my child will be better off with that person in office, they will not get my vote.

And I am not alone. There are millions of Americans — white, Black, Hispanic, Democrat, Republican, rural, suburban, urban — who will make the very same decision come November. Choosing to put our kids first is not a political issue; it’s just how we are wired.

This is why President Biden faces significant headwinds as we approach November. And so do other Democratic candidates up and down the ballot who seem to be unclear about the priorities of some of their most important constituents, parents.

Parents of K-12 students make up 40% of the U.S. electorate and according to a  survey  commissioned by the Harris Poll, 82% of them are willing to vote outside their political party based on the candidate’s position on education, which is a particularly acute issue for Black mothers like me.

For decades, we have been promised that brighter days are ahead and that elected leaders are working toward creating equity in areas like education and the workforce. But now we are tired of waiting. We want something better right now.

That is why it was initially encouraging to hear during the State of the Union address when President Biden announced a laudable goal of all children reading by the third grade. The optimism was short-lived.

Just a couple of days later, President Biden’s proposed budget called for cutting investments in charter schools , which predominantly serve Black and brown students.

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I was understandably puzzled. How, exactly, are we supposed to get to this laudable goal by slashing the only source of federal funding for the startup, growth, replication, and expansion of these public schools that serve our students so well? There is never a cost to attend a charter school and, according to research from Stanford, the average charter student gains an equivalent of 16 additional learning days in reading in a year, and six additional days of learning in math.

It’s hard to interpret a proposed cut to the Charter Schools Program as anything other than harmful to our children.

We want our kids to at least have a fighting chance at achieving their dreams. We want them to be prepared for great careers that will help diminish income inequality. We are not talking about theories and hypotheticals. These are our children, and it is time to move with more urgency.

I am reminded of Martin Luther King Jr.’s April 1963 letter from Birmingham Jail , in which he responded to those encouraging Blacks to just “wait.”

Dr. King remarked, “There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience.”

Sixty years later, we remain impatient and rightfully so. Black children are still behind their white peers in reading and math. Their median weekly earnings , among those ages 16 to 24, is $133 less than white workers. And they are far more likely to end up in poverty or prison.

It is no wonder that according to a recent  poll  of Black single mothers, 69% believe the country is heading in the wrong direction and only 7% believe it’s on the right track. Fatigue is making us quite restless. Black women voters are an important voting bloc. Why? Because we tip elections.

To begin to rebuild trust, President Biden must demonstrate that he’s listening to us.  

He must show that he understands the value Black voters place on education and having better public school options by demonstrating his support for the schools we choose. President Biden must understand that if we’re going to reach the literacy goal he set out, it’s only achievable if Black and Brown families can actually access high-quality schools.

My home state of Florida can serve as a cautionary tale for President Biden. In 2018, Andrew Gillum ignored the wishes of Black voters and came out against school choice options that met the needs of underserved communities throughout the state. Gillum received around 40,000 fewer votes among Blacks than fellow Florida Democrat Bill Nelson received in his Senate race that same election day. Gillum lost to Ron DeSantis by 32,463 votes .

President Biden, do the math and please don’t take our vote for granted. 

Debbie Veney is a senior vice president at the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools.

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