essay road to democracy in south africa

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2 February 1990

President  FW de Klerk  announced the release from prison of Nelson Mandela  and the unbanning of the  African National Congress (ANC),  Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) , the  South African Communist Party (SACP ) and other liberation movements.

21 December 1991

The negotiations, known as the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), first convened on that day at the World Trade Centre in Johannesburg. Over 220 delegates from nineteen political parties attended and vowed their commitment to negotiations by signing the “Declaration of Intent”, pledging among others:

• To bring about an undivided South Africa with one nation sharing a common citizenship, patriotism and loyalty, united in diversity, freedom, equality and security for all irrespective of race, colour, sex or creed; a country free from apartheid or any other form of discrimination or domination
• To work to heal the divisions of the past
• To strive to improve the quality of life of all people through policies that will promote economic growth and human development
• To set in motion the process of drawing up and establishing a constitution that would, among others:
• Ensure a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist state in which sovereign authority is exercised over the whole of its territory
• Become the supreme law and that it will be guarded over by an independent, non-racial and impartial judiciary
• Assure that all shall enjoy universally accepted human rights, freedoms and civil liberties including freedom of religion, speech and assembly protected by an entrenched and justiciable Bill of Rights and a legal system that guarantees equality of all before the law.

15 May 1992

President FW de Klerk delayed the second round of negotiations by calling for a whites-only referendum to seek support from this constituency for the continuation of negotiations. The majority of whites voted in favour. CODESA 2 began, but the negotiations soon broke down due to disagreements over the key issues of power sharing and majority rule, as well as the eruption of violence, which had claimed many lives.

Behind-the-scenes talks between the chief negotiators – a cabinet minister in the National Party (NP), Roelf Meyer, and the ANC’s Cyril Ramaphosa – managed to get negotiations back on track. The resultant Multiparty Negotiating Forum (MPNF) on April 1, 1993 paved the way towards the demise of apartheid.  

5 March 1994

27 April 1994

The first democratic election was won by the ANC with Nelson Mandela becoming the first democratically elected president of the republic. Although the ANC had gained a majority vote, the party formed the Government of National Unity, in which FD De Klerk and the ANC’s Thabo Mbeki became deputy presidents.

The hard won election was the crowning of the long and bitter struggle for liberation. The election has changed the history of South Africa, paving the way towards a new democratic dispensation and a new constitution for the country. For the first time in the history of South Africa, people of all races stood together in long snaking queues at the polls to vote for a government of their choice. Nineteen political parties had participated and twenty-two million people had voted. Contrary to widespread fears of political violence, the election was peaceful and took place in a festive atmosphere.

The ANC won the election with 62.65% of the vote. The National Party (NP) received 20.39%, the Zulu based Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) 10.54%, Freedom Front (FF) 2.2%, Democratic Party (DP) 1.7%, Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) 1.2% and the African Christian Democratic Party 0.5%.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)

The Government of National Unity had set up the TRC to help deal with the apartheid past. Under apartheid human rights abuses were rife on all sides, and no section of society escaped these abuses. The TRC was established in the belief that “only the truth can put the past to rest” (Nelson Mandela).

The TRC came into being under the auspices of the  Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act , No. 34 of 1995. The hearings, which started in 1996, were held to record the abuses, to grant amnesty to the perpetrators of human rights violations in some cases, and to offer reparation and rehabilitation to the victims. The TRC was headed by Archbishop  Desmond Tutu  (Chairman), and Alex Boraine  (deputy Chairman).

25 May 2019

The history of South Africa seems to have come a full circle on 25 May 2019 , when President Cyril Ramaphosa  has delivered his  inauguration speech, promising the jubilant South Africans a ‘New Dawn’ after the ruinous years of the rule by Jacob Zuma.

Cyril Ramaphosa has played a pivotal role as head of the ANC delegation, which negotiated the end of apartheid with the apartheid government. He has gained respect as the co-convener of the internationally acclaimed South African Constitution, and along with his NP counterpart, Roelf Meyer, became a symbol for reconciliation and collaboration for the common good of all South Africans.

Congrats, you have finished Part 1!

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An initiative of the Centre for Research on Democracy

ROAD TO DEMOCRACY ESSAY GRADE 12

ROAD TO DEMOCRACY ESSAY SAMPLE (TALKS/NEGOTIATIONS) NOTE:your introduction and conclusionis highlighted with green colour.Your lines of arguments are highlighted withred colour.

One would totally agree with the statement that it was leadership,negotiations and compromises among various leaders that ensured that South Africa become a democratic state.For example,Nelson Mandela and De Klerk worked together including ot her organisations to bring democratic South Africa on 1994. (Make sure your introduction is not longer than 5 pages) In1981,FW De Klerk replaced PW Botha as a state president of South Africa and immediately made drastic changes by unbanning political parties and release political prisoners.De Klerk made an announcement for the release of Nelson Mandela on 11 February 1990.This was a huge step taken by De Klerk and it gave people hope that the apartheid was coming to a nend. (Make sure your back ground is not more than 5 lines).

The National Party(NP) and African National Congress(ANC) delegation met at two locations to discuss the way on how they will work together towards the democratic South Africa.The first meeting was held in 2 May1990 at the official resident house of Groote Schuur and it was called the Groot Schuur Meeting.In this meeting both ANC and NP agreed on ending violence which were occurring in the country and to work together towards the process of negotiations or talks to bring a democratic South Africa.The second meeting were held at Pretoria on 6 August 1990 which led to an agreement called the Pretoria Minutes.Here the ANC government agreed that they will suspend the armed struggle and the NP government agreed to end the state of emergency.Other major law were removed.The Group Areas Act and Registration Population were also removed.This convinced countries that imposed sanctions to S.A and boycotts to stop them.Thus,the leadership and negotiations and compromises among various leaders ensured that South Africa become a democratic country in1994.

Although,the violence did not stop in the country between Inkandla Freedom Party(IFP)and ANC.The IFP supporters attacked ANC on commuter trains and led into almost 573 deaths. It was emerged that the NP government handed weapon to IFP supporters to eliminate ANC supporters.This created a huge distrust between ANC and IFP including NP.Another violence occurred in Sebokeng in hostels when the IFP attacked ANC strong hold and almost 30 people died.Moreover,another violence occurred in ZonkizizweTownship in Germistonin Gauteng between supporters of the IFP and the ANC.The ongoing violence between the ANC and IFP members led into a Seven Day Warat Pietermarisburg (PMB).Therefore,the violence and uncertainly that confronted South Africa in the early1980s almost delayed the process of negotiations.

Moreover,the formal negotiations occurred on 20December 1990 at Convention for Democratic South Africa(CODESA1)at Trade Work Centreat Kempton Park.Nineteen political organisations including UNO and common wealth.Even though talks sometimes broke down but the Declaration of Intent was signed.It was agreed that South Africa should be an undivided country.Free from apartheid, discrimination and all other forms of prejudices.This also led into accountability of a meeting by four groups that were preparing for the future meeting which was CODESA2 which were to be held in May2.The PAC and PC boycotted against the CODESA.The IFP and the Independent Bophuthatshwana did not sign it because the irrequest for an extra delegation for the Zulu King was refused.Therefore, compromises among various leaders ensured that South Africa become a democratic state in1994.

Furthermore,DeKlerk called for a white only referendum on1991. Here DeKlerk wanted to see if the white people were still with him from the negotiations he had started making from 1990 to change South Africa.The majority voted positive and it was clear that he should continue.This gave people hope that apartheid was coming to an end.Thus,the compromises also ensured that South Africa become a democratic country in1994.

CODESA2 occurred on May1991.It was agreed that the SABC should presents the neutral view of the negotiations on televisions.The NP and ANC did not agreed on major power sharing like power sharing,majority rule and regional powers.The NP still wanted a major place from the government and the ANC did not admit on that.The ANC and NP did not come into consensus solution on how they will end the violence in South Africa. As a results,ANC and COSATU walked out of the negotiations and called for a mass rally to force government to compromise.Therefore,it was leadership,negotiations and compromises among various leaders that ensured that South Africa become a democratic state.

Even though the official negotiations had ended but the unofficial negotiations continue between Cyril Ramaphosa and Roef Meyer. The Record of Understanding was signed between Cyril Ramaphosa of ANC and Roef Meyer of the NP.This committed and encouraged South Africa to work together again towards the negotiations.Moreover,Joe Slovo came up with Sunset Clause on April 1993.The Sunset Clause allowed the National Party government until 2000.It also protected the security jobs for whites people for more than 10years.Therefore, the commitment and compromises among various leaders ensured that South Africa become a democratic country in 1994.

Moreover, the violence did not end between IFP and ANC.The ANC attacked the squatter camps of the ANC near the township of Boipatong in the Gauteng and almost 49people died.It was said that a white man was the one who handed over the Force Defence Agency to cause violence and chaos.The ANC called for a march to the Cickel to protests against homeland leaders.Here almost 79 people died and 200 people got injured when they were trying to break through the police barriers.The assassination of Chris Hani almost stopped the negotiations process of the elections.Chris Hani was a General Secretary of the Communist Party(CP) and he was assassinated on1993 by members of the Military Wink.There was a violence and chaos in a country after his assassination. DeKlerk realised he could not deal with this anymore and called for Nelson Mandela to address the issue. Mandela addressed that on national television that there must calm down and stop fighting each other.Thus,thev iolence and uncertainty that confronted South Africa in the early 1980s almost delayed the process of negotiations.

Moreover, the Multi talks began on 1993April1. It was said that the date of the election was going to be 27thApril1994 on this meeting which was held at World Trade Centre. Furthermore, the AWB and Volk front stormed the World Trade Centre attempt to disturb the negotiations.They vandalised the entrance and threatened delegation.The AWB was killed by the South African Defence Force.The APPLA opened on fire on St James Church and killed 11 people.The IFP marched to Shell House and was killed by ANC security.This led to a Shell House Massacre.Then DeKlerk, Mandela and Buthelezihada meeting led to IFP joining the negotiations.Then finally the election held free and fairly. ANC won the elections and Nelson Mandela became the first president of South African Democratic Country.The election were held on 27 April 1994. DeKlerk and Thabo Mbheki became deputy president. Therefore, the compromises, negotiations and leadership ensured that South Africa become a democratic country in 1994.

To conclude, it was leadership,negotiations and compromises among various leaders that ensured that South Africa become a democratic state in 1994. For example Nelson Mandela and De Klerk compromised so much working with other organisations to bring democracy in South Africa. (Your conclusion must be less than5lines).

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The road to democracy in South Africa

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Unisa Press

• History and Political Africa

The Road to Democracy in South Africa – Abridged Version Vol 6

About the book

Volume 6 of the Road to Democracy in South Africa Abridged Edition series tells the crucial period from the unbanning of the liberation organisations in 1990 to the triumph of South Africa’s first democratic elections in April 1994. The events detailed in this volume move beyond 1994 to discuss the aftermath of the elections; the on-going violence in areas such as Natal and the PWV region; and how South Africans of all political persuasions adjusted to the new dispensation and worked together to devise the 1996 Constitution that has received worldwide recognition as one of the most equitable and praiseworthy of its kind.

Other significant liberation struggle themes such as the struggle for non-racial sport, and the role of black students, that were woven into the tapestry of the struggle, have been given recognition in this final volume of the first phase of the Road to Democracy project.

Unlike the bulky academic versions of SADET’s Road to Democracy in South Africa, the Abridged Edition series is much shorter; it is quicker and easier to read. The footnotes, the lengthy quotations, and overwhelmingly intricate detail have been removed.

The names of authors of the Road to Democracy in South Africa Abridged Edition series have been removed from each chapter but theirs is the credit for researching and creating them. SADET acknowledges the sterling work by all these international scholars.

This Abridged Editions series should be read by every South African. The hope is that others on the African continent and elsewhere in the world will find much of interest in its pages. After all, the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa is one of Africa’s greatest success stories.

Road To Democracy In South Africa (Essay Sample)

Road to democracy in south africa.

South Africa’s road to democracy began with activists fighting to eliminate apartheid.  Major changes in democracy occurred between 1990 and 1994; the road to democracy was not easy for the leaders involved; they had to go through the challenges of negotiations due to violent attacks instigated by different interest groups. One of the obstacles leaders faced was the township violence during the negotiations to end apartheid.

The Sebokeng Massacre took place when Nelson Mandela was released from prison.   The other massacre was in Katlehong in 1990 that began as a protest march against high rent and electricity prices. The Boipatong massacre took place the same year in one of the African National Congress (ANC) party strongholds. Violence took place in one of the largest provinces Kwa Zulu Natal. While a state of emergency was, declared violence continued with more people dying. These were the challenges faced by leaders during negotiation to end apartheid and fight for freedom.

After several-failed attempt to negotiate with the government, and increased violence in protest of government ban of political parties, the president’s announcement in Parliament on 2nd February 1990, changed the course of South Africa’s future.  He dismantled the apartheid regime that ruled the country by lifting the ban on political parties like ANC and PAC. He ordered the release of all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela in Robben Island. The president announced he was willing to work with political parties to create a more democratic constitution in South Africa.

After the announcement, ended violence and negotiations continued between the government official and the ANC leaders in Cape Town to discuss the way forward.  The negotiation included granting immunity to prosecuted political offenders, releasing other political prisoners, allowing political leaders who went into exile to return to South Africa. On March 1993 marked the beginning of democracy in South Africa, a new multi party negotiation began to discuss a power sharing system where all parties would get equal representation in parliament.

Devolving power to the provinces was granted and people were to elect their leaders at the constituent assembly that would form an interim government to run the country for the next five years. All the parties were involved in drafting the new constitution and bill of rights was included in the Constitution for the first time. The negotiations agreed that the government would remain the highest authority and would facilitate the adoption of the new constitution and the upcoming elections. The government was to consult with all party authorities. The ANC promoted black advancement through an affirmative action and compensation of losses incurred during apartheid. ANC was keen to end the white rule by negotiating for a multi-party conference or constituent assembly.

During the April 1994, the election saw a major transition from an authoritarian rule to a more democratic country. The large queues seen at the voting stations were a clear indication that power was changing hands. This was the first election that allowed South Africans to participate in the democratic process by choosing their rulers regardless of their background. Nelson Mandela was elected the president as South Africa exercised their democratic right; all citizens were allowed to vote with over 19 million people voting.  After the 3 stages of negotiations for the transition to liberate South Africans, apartheid was defeated, and black Africans were on the edge of attaining the long awaited freedom. When Nelson Mandela took an oath to serve the country, his famous words were “Never, never and never again shall the beautiful and will again experience such oppression”. There were many challenges that hindered democracy in the country, but eventually, through the persistence of its leaders, the country finally attained freedom.

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South Africa's Bumpy Road to Democracy

By peace watch, this article summary written by: mariya yevsyukova, conflict research consortium.

Citation : "South Africa's Bumpy Road to Democracy". Peace Watch, Vol.1, No. 4. June 1995. United States Institute of Peace, Washington, D.C. Pp. 6-7.

This article is dedicated to the one year anniversary of South Africa's first democratic elections, which took place on April 27, 1994. Nelson Mandela became president as a result of the elections. His approach was to create a nonracial democracy, as opposed to multiracialism. The difference between these two approaches is that multiracialism emphasizes diversity but fails to unite people, while nonracial democracy respects diversity but values unity. This unity can be achieved only through bringing the truth about the past to light. In South Africa this is done through a "committee that investigates crimes and promotes reconciliation..., as well as an affirmative action program" (p. 7).

After the excitement of the fall of apartheid and the beginning of the democratization process, it was time to start dealing with the many problems that exist in the society, such as the dissatisfaction of black people with the government trying to win whites' favor, black people's expectations for quick improvement in their standards of living, an increase in violent crimes and social disorder. Thus, after the excitement declined, deep racial and class differences became apparent. To deal with conflict situations, the National Peace Accord (1991) created a number of peace committees at all levels. Recently the government decided to dismantle conflict resolution organs; many believe that this was done too soon. The action was explained by the belief that democratic institutions can take responsibility for dealing with conflicting issues. But people working in the area of conflict management worry that democracy is not strong enough to fulfill those tasks. They think that the Peace Accord should be revised to respond to new social conditions, but divisions in the society are still very deep and need serious attention. But at the same time, the view of the future is optimistic. First, blacks and whites understand that the success of the democracy depends on their cooperation. Second, South Africa has a leadership respected by different layers of the society. Third, both the leaders and the people have high respect for democratic values. It was the Peace Accord that created channels for democratic ways of managing problems in South Africa, and encouraged political groups to adopt those methods.

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Grade 12 Students: Download This PDF for Acing Your Road To Democracy Essay!

• August 25, 2023

Austin Finnan

The Road to Democracy in South Africa was a long and difficult one, marked by many setbacks, detours and dead ends. But ultimately it was a journey that led to the country’s first truly democratic elections in 1994 and the inauguration of Nelson Mandela as its first black president.

The road to democracy in South Africa began long before 1994. It was the product of centuries of struggle by the country’s black majority against the white minority rule that was imposed on them by the British colonialists who first settled in the country in the 17th century .

The struggle against colonialism and white minority rule took many different forms over the years. It was a struggle for political rights, for economic justice, for social equality and for human dignity.

It was a struggle that was fought in the courts, in the streets, in the townships and in the forests. It was a struggle that was led by many different leaders, each of whom left their own indelible mark on the history of the country.

The road to democracy in South Africa was not an easy one. But it was a journey that was worth taking, because it led to a better future for all South Africans , black and white.

• 1 Road To Democracy Essay Grade 12 Pdf Download
• 2 Benefits of democracy
• 3 Challenges of democracy
• 4 Strategies to promote democracy
• 5 Conclusion

Road To Democracy Essay Grade 12 Pdf Download

The Road to Democracy Essay Grade 12 PDF Download is an invaluable resource for any student wishing to gain a better understanding of the path to democracy. This educational resource offers a comprehensive overview of the different stages of democracy, including its origins, development, and current state. It also provides insight into the various challenges faced by democratic countries as well as the potential solutions to these issues. Furthermore, the essay provides a detailed analysis of the roles of citizens in maintaining a democracy, as well as the importance of civic education and civic engagement. With its in-depth analysis of these topics, the Road to Democracy Essay Grade 12 PDF Download is an excellent resource for students seeking to gain a better understanding of the path to democracy.

Benefits of democracy

Democracy is an essential form of government that has been embraced by countries around the world. It is based on the idea of free and fair elections, majority rule, and the protection of minority rights. Democracy has brought with it many benefits that have helped to improve the lives of people in many countries. Here are some of the major benefits of democracy that make it so appealing.

The first benefit of democracy is the protection of individual rights and freedoms. In a democratic system, all citizens have the right to freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and the right to vote. Furthermore, the government must respect and uphold these rights, as outlined in the country’s constitution. This ensures that citizens can express their opinions without fear of retribution and gives them a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

Another benefit of democracy is the promotion of economic growth and development. Democracies are more likely to have open and competitive markets, which encourages investment and creates jobs. This, in turn, helps to reduce poverty and inequality. Furthermore, democracies tend to have higher levels of education, which helps to promote innovation and productivity.

Finally, democracy is beneficial for international relations. Democracies tend to be more stable and less prone to conflict. They are also more likely to sign international agreements and treaties, which can help to promote peace and cooperation between countries.

Overall, democracy has a number of benefits that make it an attractive form of government. It protects individual rights and freedoms, promotes economic growth and development, and contributes to international peace and cooperation. It is no wonder that so many countries around the world have embraced democracy as the best way to ensure the well-being of their citizens.

Challenges of democracy

The road to democracy is often a difficult and winding one, filled with numerous challenges and obstacles. As we progress towards a better, more representative form of government, it is essential to consider the challenges that stand in the way of achieving a true democracy. The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download is a comprehensive resource that delves into these challenges, providing insightful analysis and valuable information on the path to a more equitable society.

One of the most significant challenges of democracy is the lack of representation for minority groups. In many democracies, certain populations are underrepresented, leaving them unable to have their voices heard or their interests represented. This can lead to a lack of access to resources and opportunities, as well as an increased risk of discrimination and marginalization. The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download discusses the importance of ensuring that all citizens have access to representation, regardless of age, gender, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status.

Another major challenge of democracy is the issue of corruption. In many democracies, corruption is rampant and has had a damaging effect on the functioning of government. It can lead to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as a weakening of the rule of law. The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download highlights the importance of addressing corruption and ensuring that all citizens have access to a fair and just system of government.

Finally, the challenge of polarization is also a significant obstacle to democracy. In many countries, the political divide has grown increasingly deep, leading to an inability to compromise and reach consensus on important issues. The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download encourages citizens to become more involved in the political process and to work to bridge the divide between different political parties.

The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download is an invaluable resource for anyone looking to understand the challenges of democracy and the steps we can take to overcome them. By providing detailed analysis and useful information on the path to a more equitable society, this resource is essential for anyone wanting to make a difference and help create a better future.

Strategies to promote democracy

The journey to democracy is a long and winding one, full of twists and turns that can often be difficult to navigate. With so many different paths to take, it is important to understand the strategies necessary to promote democracy and ensure that it is maintained. In this blog post, we will explore some of the strategies to promote democracy and how they can be applied to a grade 12 essay on democracy.

One of the most effective strategies to promote democracy is through education. Education plays an important role in helping individuals understand the principles of democracy, such as the importance of equality, justice, and respect for the rule of law. By providing a comprehensive understanding of these principles, individuals can be better equipped to make informed decisions and participate in the democratic process. To promote this understanding, grade 12 students can research and write an essay on democracy that explores its history, functions, and key principles.

In addition to education, civic engagement is another important strategy to promote democracy. By becoming involved in the democratic process, individuals can have a direct say in the decisions that affect their lives. Civic engagement can come in many forms, such as voting, attending public meetings, or joining political groups. For a grade 12 essay on democracy, students can research and write about the importance of civic engagement and how it can be used to promote democracy.

Finally, the development of strong institutions is another strategy to promote democracy. Strong institutions provide stability and ensure that democratic principles are protected and respected. To encourage the development of strong institutions, grade 12 students can research and write about how institutions such as the judiciary, legislature, and executive can promote democracy.

In conclusion, there are many strategies to promote democracy, and these strategies can be applied to a grade 12 essay on democracy. By educating individuals, encouraging civic engagement, and developing strong institutions, we can ensure that democracy is protected and that individuals have a direct and meaningful say in the decisions that affect their lives.

⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠

The Road to Democracy essay covers a lot of ground and provides detailed insights into the democratic process. It is a well-written and informative essay that should be required reading for anyone interested in the topic.

Austin Finnan is a blogger, traveler, and author of articles on the website aswica.co.za. He is known for his travels and adventures, which he shares with his readers on his blog. Finnan has always been passionate about exploring new places, which is reflected in his articles and photographs. He is also the author of several books about travel and adventure, which have received positive reviews from critics and readers.

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A Small State Heavyweight? How Singapore Handles U.S.-China Rivalry

Singapore’s form of governance arguably gives the city-state more latitude in addressing U.S.-China competition than other Southeast Asian nations.

Wednesday, April 10, 2024 / By: Terence Lee, Ph.D.

Publication Type: Analysis

Editor’s Note: The following article is part of a new USIP essay series, “ Southeast Asia in a World of Strategic Competition .” The opinions expressed in these essays are solely those of the authors and do not represent USIP, or any organization or government.

Alice Ba pertinently observes in her introductory essay to this series that Southeast Asia has become a key arena in the ongoing U.S.-China rivalry; regional countries are under growing pressure to choose between the two powers. For Singapore, this competition has provoked a debate on the extent of agency in the conduct of the city-state’s foreign policy. Two perspectives have emerged in this regard.

The first contends that Singapore has little autonomy, reflecting the structural reality of small states portrayed in the ancient Greek Melian Dialogue : “… as the world goes … while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.” This view, which was best captured by former diplomat Kishore Mahbubani , suggests that because Singapore is small, it must behave like small states and “exercise discretion” and “be very restrained in commenting on matters involving great powers.” Mahbubani wrote these in 2017 in response to other Gulf states’ breaking off diplomatic relations with Qatar.

A second view expresses maximalist agency in Singapore’s foreign policy. Propounded by Bilahari Kausikan and other retired Singaporean diplomats, they insist Singapore has not been “cowed or limited by size or geography” or browbeaten and “meekly compliant to the major powers.”  Singapore has instead stood up for “its ideals and principles.”

These contrasting viewpoints raises a critical question: How much autonomy does Singapore wield in its foreign policy in this evolving great power competition?

Singapore’s Governance and U.S.-China Competition

If we view agency as the ability of a state to attain its preferred political and foreign policy preferences, and to respond independently to the actions or constraints imposed by others, Singapore has probably greater latitude than most other Southeast Asian states. Governance in Singapore has been dominated by the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) since 1959. The PAP has more than two-thirds presence in parliament and exercises extensive control over the country’s political, economic, social and cultural activities, including its electoral structures and processes. The PAP has avoided overt factionalism through a set of incentives and constraints institutionalized within the party and nationally. Decision-making, including foreign policy, is dominated by technocrats and the political elite , and insulated from public pressure.

The PAP’s political ascendancy allows Singapore to pursue foreign policies unencumbered.

First, to preserve the city-state’s security and sovereignty, Singapore has significantly increased its security cooperation with the United States. Singapore views the United States as indispensable to security and stability in the Indo-Pacific and backed the Obama administration’s rebalance to Asia policy. Since the end of U.S. bases in the Philippines, Singapore has been the anchor for forward U.S. presence in the region, which has been successively augmented over the years. The two countries signed the enhanced bilateral Defense Cooperation Agreement in 2015 , and developed a United States-Singapore Strategic Partnership Dialogue “to strengthen cooperation on the range of bilateral, regional and global challenges under the U.S.-Singapore Strategic Partnership.”

Singapore relies on the United States for its advanced military hardware and training . The United States sells sophisticated weaponry through foreign military sales and direct commercial sales programs. Singaporean military personnel participate in training, exercises and professional military exchanges in places like Luke AFB, and Mountain Home AFB Idaho, where Singaporean F-16, AH-64D, and F-15SG pilots train alongside their U.S. counterparts. Pentagon research agencies, including the Defense Threat Reduction Agency, the Office of Naval Research Global, the Navy Medical Research Center-Asia and the Army International Technology Center-Pacific have offices in the republic and work with Singaporean counterparts on issues of shared military relevance.

Second, the PAP has enacted policies to boost Singapore’s status as a global trading and financial hub. Through low corporate tax rates and other pro-business incentives , Singapore has attracted significant inflows of foreign capital. The republic receives more than $244 billion direct U.S. investment, by far the largest single country investor , accounting for more than 20% of all foreign direct investment (FDI) in Singapore. In the manufacturing sector, U.S. FDI in Singapore is almost 50% more than all Asian investment in that industry. In financial and insurance services, U.S. investment is 60% larger than that of the European Union, which is the second largest investor in that sector. China is Singapore’s largest trading partner, and the city-state is its largest foreign investor. Singapore has seen an influx of affluent mainlanders moving their assets and setting up family offices in Singapore, believing the republic to be a safe haven .

Third, Singapore has cultivated closer ties with middle powers (Australia, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea) and supported open multilateralism to enhance its prosperity and collective security. The republic has been prolific in concluding free trade agreements , several with middle powers and a key proponent of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity. 

Fourth, Singapore supports “ASEAN centrality” as a “life raft” amid troubled global times. At the May 2023 ASEAN Summit in Indonesia, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong called for greater economic integration and for ASEAN to be unified, to be cohesive, to be effective and to be central .

Significantly, these security, economic and multilateral arrangements have strengthened the PAP’s “ domestic sovereignty ” and increased its performance legitimacy. The ruling party’s legitimacy is premised on “ instrumental acquiescence ,” in which support for the government is premised on its ability to deliver security, political stability and acceptable material standards of living in exchange for the curtailment of certain civil liberties.

China’s Challenges to Singapore’s Sovereignty

However, because of its unique status as the only ethnic Chinese-majority state in Southeast Asia, Singapore faces distinctive challenges to its sovereignty. China, despite Singapore’s consistent denials, insists on referring to it as a “ Chinese country ” and regularly seeks to influence Singapore’s policy choices, using coercion and pressure .

In response to Singapore’s support for the 2016 South China Sea arbitration ruling which favored the Philippines, and its alleged attempt to include the ruling in the final document of the Non-Aligned Movement summit in Venezuela in September 2016, General Jin Yinan , a senior People's Liberation Army advisor, said Singapore is “meddling in things that did not concern it,” and had to “pay the price for seriously damaging China’s interests.” As such it was “inevitable for China to strike back at Singapore, and not just on the public opinion front.” And because “Singapore has gone thus far, we have got to do something, be it retaliation or sanction. We must express our discontent.”

To this end, China exerted pressure on Singapore by detaining its armed forces’ armored Terrex vehicles in Hong Kong in November 2016 and uninviting Singapore’s prime minister to Chinese President Xi Jinping's inaugural Belt and Road summit in 2017.

Beijing has also sought to pressure Singapore’s ethnic Chinese population more directly. It does so through the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and the Singapore Business Federation, by making it harder for businesses to get contracts, licenses and permits, especially in the real estate sector, where Singaporeans hold significant investments in China.

An important constituency China has focused on is ethnic-Chinese seniors, who tend to have a stronger affinity for the mainland. China’s appeals are directed toward supporting ethnic pride and Chinese nationalism, through clan and grassroots organizations, based on locality or kinship (surname). Of note is the China Cultural Center (Zhongguo Wenhua Zhongxin, 中国文化中心), or CCC, which was established in Singapore in 2012. The Singapore CCC promotes cultural activities and exchanges, teaching and training to create a common identity between Chinese China and Chinese Singapore.

Other vectors of influence include direct broadcasts from China Central Television (CCTV) and China Global Television Network (CGTN), both are widely available on Singapore cable TV and carry pro-Beijing and anti-U.S. narratives, and disinformation on social media .

More directly, China has employed espionage. Academic Huang Jing , then director of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy’s (LKYSPP) Center on Asia and Globalization, was deported after he was accused by the Ministry of Home Affairs of being “an agent of influence of a foreign country.” Ph.D. student Dickson Yeo , also from the LKYSPP, was jailed in the United States and subsequently issued a detention order under Singapore’s Internal Security Act, for acting as an illegal agent of China.

Singapore has attempted to mitigate China’s interference by passing the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Bill .

Key political office holders also assert the republic’s independence and emphasize the importance of upholding sovereignty. At the 2022 National Day Rally , Singapore’s equivalent of the State of the Union, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong warned Singaporeans to be vigilant about messages that are shared on social media and actively guard against hostile foreign influence.

“We need to ask ourselves: where do these messages come from, and what are their intentions? And are we sure we should share such messages with our friends? So please check the facts and do not accept all the information as truths [sic]. We must actively guard against hostile foreign influence operations, regardless of where they originate. Only then, can we safeguard the sovereignty and independence of our nation …”

Although the city-state is clear-eyed about its ability to alter the behavior of the two powers, it has tried to be an “ honest broker ” and conveyed its concerns about the rising tensions between Beijing and Washington.

Overall, as the United States and China contest for ascendancy in the region, Singapore has had the space to pursue its political and foreign policy preferences. Observers have termed this hedging — a strategy of not choosing between Washington and Beijing while maximizing gains from cooperating with both powers and avoiding confrontation.

Terence Lee, Ph.D. is a visiting associate professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University and an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore.

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Tradwives, stay-at-home girlfriends and the dream of feminine leisure

Some young women see patriarchy as a solution, not a problem. what in ‘the feminine mystique’ is going on here.

I t’s always inspiring when citizens of the vast and disparate internet find something to unite them, and in late March, the unifying force was hatred for an essay, published in the Cut, called “ The Case for Marrying an Older Man .” It was written by a woman who had done just that: Grazie Sophia Christie spent her undergraduate years at Harvard sneaking into receptions for MBA candidates where she hoped to bag a more established male before her “fiercest advantage” — her youth — disappeared and rendered her common. After some trial and error, at the age of 20, she made off with a 30-year-old whose defining characteristics seemed to be that he was French and rich.

The essay’s alleged offenses ranged from the kind that would irritate Greta Thunberg — the casual way Christie’s byline notes that she lives in “Miami and London” — to the kind that would irritate Gloria Steinem. “I’ll never forget it,” the author writes, “how he showed me around our first place like he was introducing me to myself: This is the wine you’ll drink, where you’ll keep your clothes, we vacation here, this is the other language we’ll speak, you’ll learn it.”

Christie was taking a cosseted, retro archetype — the gold digger — and presenting it as something intellectual and liberated. She hadn’t wanted to marry a fixer-upper, she writes, citing her younger brother who still left his towels on the floor. She wanted a man that some other woman had already fixed up, and who could, in turn, fix her. Not a partner, she writes, but a “mentor.” Specifically, one who could fulfill a promise that feminism had allegedly failed to deliver: “I had grown bored of discussions of fair and unfair, equal or unequal,” writes Christie, “and preferred instead to consider a thing called ease.”

A thing called ease.

That last sentence was the only one in the whole piece that made me stop in my tracks. It was breathtaking in its transparency: I’m not doing this out of principle or based on a worldview. I’m doing this because life seemed hard and this seemed easy.

You could argue, as many did, that if your relationship is predicated on you being young, it might get considerably less easy when you age. But castigating Christie’s essay was actually the least interesting way to engage with it, because, at heart, it was dealing with bigger themes than even she seemed to know what to do with: The elusiveness of female contentment in the modern era. The elusiveness of rest — for everyone — in the modern era. The concept of romantic relationships as the ultimate life hack, and the resigned idea that the only way to move forward is by moving backward.

Perhaps you’ve been seeing the term “tradwife” lately, a modern coinage for a TikTok-fluent married woman who keeps house, extols “traditional” values and yields to her husband. Perhaps you’ve even seen the term “stay-at-home girlfriends,” the influencer community’s true prophets of female ease. Unlike stay-at-home moms, whose days might be filled with school drop-offs and toddler-wrangling, the childless SAHG’s days are filled mostly with home care and self care: elaborate skin, fitness and food routines that keep their bodies beautiful and their lives serene for the boyfriends who are, after all, funding the whole shebang.

In one SAHG video, I watched a platinum blonde explain that her boyfriend agreed to pay for all of their travel if she would do all of the packing. The rest of the video was dedicated to the most meticulous suitcase job you’ve ever seen — sunglasses nestled in shoes, a rainbow of rolled shirts — which appeared to take her the better part of an afternoon.

Another video featured a young woman in a negligee patiently curling her hair while an overlay of text read: “People used to ask me, ‘what’s your dream job?’ I never knew the answer. I realized it’s because I don’t dream of labor. I dream of living a soft, feminine life.” The video was captioned, “I dream of feminine leisure,” which I soon realized was a sort of motto among this set.

“I dream of feminine leisure,” wrote a lovely brunette as she sauntered to the pool in a floaty coverup.

“I dream of feminine leisure,” wrote another lovely brunette as she applied a fresh coat of lip gloss at her vanity.

The comments on these types of videos abound with wistful envy: heart emoji, lipstick kiss emoji, green juice, vacuum.

W hat is feminine leisure, exactly? Is it a set of prescribed activities? An aesthetic? A vibe?

The simple answer is that it’s a solution — maybe not a good solution, but a conceivable one — to a problem. A problem some young women have diagnosed in the landscape of modern adulthood.

A frantic mother of a 16-year-old wrote into Slate’s Care and Feeding advice column a few months ago to say that her formerly go-getter daughter had announced that she wanted to skip the rigors of college and instead focus on maintaining her appearance for a future husband. “She’s now talking about how great the ‘patriarchy’ is,” wrote the alarmed mom, “and how she can’t wait for someone to come and take care of her.”

From Christie to tradwives to SAHGs to the Patriarchy Daughter, the common thread seems to be the concept that liberation is overrated. That women raised on the virtues of female independence have been sold a bill of goods. Yes, we are allowed to have successful careers. But nobody had decreased the amount of laundry or errands that still needed to be run. Nobody had added any more hours onto the clock.

The Wall Street Journal recently detailed a new paper to be published in the journal Social Indicators Research that found that, “regardless of how the question is asked or what measure is used, women say they are more anxious, more depressed, more tired and more pessimistic than men,” the Journal said. At the same time, though, women are also more likely “to say they are happy and satisfied with their lives.”

It’s a phenomenon known as the “female happiness paradox,” and researchers can’t really explain it.

One guess cited in the article is that the measuring stick itself is off: Men, after all, are the ones who die more often by suicide, drug overdoses and alcoholism. So maybe it’s not that they are less anxious and depressed than women, but that, conditioned to be taciturn, they are less likely to report it. Another guess is that the things that stress women out — children, relationship-building, achieving work-life balance — are also the things that give them the most satisfaction.

Regardless of how to interpret the data, the facts of the matter remain that women are either miserable but happy or happy but miserable. And if scientific researchers can’t figure out what to do about this paradox, can 20-year-old women? Why knock yourself over trying? Crash the MBA reception. Curl your hair. Pack the suitcase. Choose ease.

I’ll pause to note that, generally, we see and hear much less from the men in these relationships than from their influencer wives and girlfriends; their voices are missing from this discourse. Maybe it’s because the mutual arrangement is working for them, but they’re afraid of being labeled sexist for admitting it. Maybe they don’t want to hurt their girlfriend’s feelings by explaining that they truly could not care less if their shirts are rolled. Maybe it’s just because they’re at their offices when all the lovely content is being made.

Whatever the case: I can imagine a lot of men would like to have a stay-at-home partner, not because they are misogynists but because it’s a relief when someone else has already done the grocery shopping — and I can imagine a lot of women would feel the same way. I can also imagine that a lot of men would like to saunter toward a pool in the middle of a Tuesday, or spend their days as Christie describes in the Cut: “Mostly I get to read, to walk central London and Miami and think in delicious circles.” So far, TikTok has not spun off an equivalent stay-at-home-boyfriend aesthetic.

The fact of the matter is that almost nobody who works for a living has the time they wish they did to look, feel or be their best, much less to cultivate a highly aesthetic relationship with a thing called ease .

What if the problem is not feminism but capitalism — specifically the American version, where work-life balance is a punchline? What if instead of 11 paid vacation days , as the average American gets, these women got the full month that is standard in the United Kingdom? What if instead of five (or six or seven) days a week, they worked the four days that countries such as South Africa and Belgium are piloting? Would that allow enough time to do a full skin-care regimen and pack a great suitcase? If college weren’t so ghastly expensive here, maybe that one lady’s daughter wouldn’t be so keen on the patriarchy as a route to leisure that bypasses the long, uphill road to financial independence.

It wasn’t fair when women had no choice to stay home. It’s not fair if women are working but are still doing the work of maintaining a home. It’s not fair if both men and women are trying to juggle it together and are still finding that there aren’t enough hours or dollars in a day.

Who wouldn’t dream of feminine leisure?

A few months ago, I decided to reread Ottessa Moshfegh’s brilliant novel “My Year of Rest and Relaxation.” It’s about a young woman struggling so much with her grown-up life that she embarks on a plan to sleep through an entire year via a steady influx of prescription narcotics. The ending is ambiguous — but, the way I read it, happy: By the end of the experiment, she has finally rested enough to rejoin the world, which she does with a rejuvenated and more optimistic perspective than she had before.

I mentioned this to a friend, who looked at me funny.

“Oh,” my friend said. “I thought she died.”

W hile writing this, I learned that a colleague and I were both obsessed with an influencer with a tradwife aesthetic who made elaborate pastries while wearing a placid, unchanging expression that made her look like a high-functioning lobotomy patient. In 2024, was this satire, or serious?

The same co-worker had been served the SAHG skinfluencer videos that also populated my social media feeds. Could you imagine, we asked one another, spending 30 minutes a day washing your face?

Then I went home and started thinking about the most satisfying day I’d had in recent months: A bundle of accrued comp time had allowed me to take a paid day off work on a random Wednesday. I went to yoga, bought a fancy sandwich, booked summer travel, researched preschools and made a dinner that was, for once, assembled patiently and attractively and not after desperately Googling “15-minute dinner can of beans and one potato?”

There was a good amount of leisure in there — even a good amount of feminine leisure.

But here’s the thing: The day hadn’t felt satisfying because I had achieved harmony with my feminine destiny; it felt satisfying because I, like most other adult humans of any gender, have a long list of necessary tasks, and almost never enough time to get through them. American culture is not conducive to helping to-do lists get shorter. Workweeks are long, vacation is limited, preschools are not universal and must therefore be researched.

And dreams? Dreams are dreams.

I wondered about the women who seemed to be seeking a relationship solution to the societal and existential problem of unrest. Did they really want to have no control over their own finances? To have to ask for an allowance? How would they feel about themselves and the choices they had made in five, 10, 20 years? When their skin was going to get wrinkles no matter how well they had cared for it. When they had run out of ways to film their get-ready-with-me mornings.

Cosmopolitan ran a story last month about some women who had once identified as stay-at-home girlfriends but who don’t anymore. “If he is paying for your whole life and you don’t have any income at all, there will start to be resentment,” influencer Bella Greenlee was quoted as saying, later adding: “I would clean the house more than I had to, just to keep myself entertained. I didn’t really have a lot to do, so I was kind of going crazy.”

The solution to this messy moment in the history of gender and work is not to dream backward, to the way the middle class used to do it — women as pretty property and men as forced breadwinners — and decide that if today isn’t working, yesterday must have been. The solution is to wonder what we might do about tomorrow.

A few days after the “Case for Marrying an Older Man” essay came out, the New Yorker published an article that received much less vitriol and attention. It was a story about a woman named Alena Kate Pettitt , who had gained fame four years ago as one of the original tradwife influencers. Since childhood, she’d prized the idea of a well-kept home and well-set table, and, after marrying and getting pregnant, she quit her job to make such a life a reality. She ironed. She sewed. She took pictures of herself making banana bread and getting dolled up in 1950s-style clothes, and she posted them to Instagram.

Then, gradually and for a lot of reasons, she got tired of being an influencer. She didn’t like how her lifestyle, which she’d pursued out of genuine interest, had slowly become symbolic and politicized. She noted how her content had become an ouroboros: If she tried to post pictures of herself being domestic in jeans and a T-shirt, the reaction was “muted,” according to the New Yorker, while the dolled-up photos of retro housedresses went “through the roof,” she said. So she wore more dresses, and got more followers, and wore more dresses, and what she was doing started to seem progressively more like a myth than real life.

It was lacking, shall we say, ease. Even wrapping herself in a retro bubble hadn’t protected her from having to make difficult choices, engage in self-introspection, work hard, live life. Being a public-facing tradwife turned out to be just as false of a promise as having it all.

Last year, Pettitt made the radical decision to leave Instagram. Her son was about to start high school, and her family was planning a transcontinental move. It seemed like a good time to consider all of her life choices, she said. She’d always wanted to own a coffee shop. She thought she might go back to work.

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