“Path to Legalization for Undocumented Immigrants”
ajc.org
(accessed Feb. 9, 2016)
2. |
Immigration Reporter for “Why Citizenship Is Better for America Than Legal Status” website Jan. 31, 2014 | Former US Representative (R-OH) and Speaker of the House “Standards for Immigration Reform” wsj.com Jan. 20, 2014 |
3. |
So that means it won’t be a quick process but it will be a fair process. And it will lift these individuals out of the shadows and give them a chance to earn their way to a green card and eventually to citizenship.” 44th President of the United States Remarks at Del Sol High School in Las Vegas whitehouse.gov Jan. 29, 2013 | Attorney “Senator Ted Cruz’s Contradictory Position on Illegal Immigration” website Mar. 28, 2015 |
4. |
2016 Presidential Candidate “Immigration Reform That Will Make America Great Again” Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign website May 3, 2016 | 56th President of Mexico “Mexico Won’t Pay a Cent for Trump’s ‘Stupid Wall'” cnbc.com Feb. 8, 2016 |
5. |
Editorial Board “Immigration Has Nothing to Do with Driving Skills” website Sep. 7, 2015 | Connecticut State Representative (R) May 18, 2015 speech cthousegop.com May 18, 2015 |
6. |
Editorial Board “Obama’s Deportation Raids Are Ugly—and Right” website Jan. 14, 2016 | Editorial Board “The Deportation Deception: Our View” usatoday.com Mar. 6, 2016 |
7. |
Assistant Professor in Finance at Fairfield University “10 Ways Illegal Immigration Affects You Financially” Go Banking Rates website Nov. 16, 2015 | Senior Policy Analyst Senior Fellow State Tax Policy Director Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) “Undocumented Immigrants’ State and Local Tax Contributions” itep.org Feb. 2016 |
8. |
Retired Admiral, Former Commander in Chief of the US Pacific Fleet, and Senior US Military Representative to the United Nations “LYONS: The National Security Component of Immigration Reform” website Aug. 14, 2013 | “Terrorism and Illegal Immigration in the United States” Open Borders website (accessed Mar. 14, 2016) |
9. |
We don’t need to rely on complex statistical calculations to see the harm being done to some workers. Simply look at how employers have reacted. A decade ago, Crider Inc., a chicken processing plant in Georgia, was raided by immigration agents, and 75 percent of its workforce vanished over a single weekend. Shortly after, Crider placed an ad in the local newspaper announcing job openings at higher wages.” Robert W. Scrivner Professor of Economics and Social Policy at Harvard University “Yes, Immigration Hurts American Workers” politico.com Sep./Oct. 2016 | International Business and Economics Correspondent at National Public Radio (NPR) “Debunking the Myth of the Job-Stealing Immigrant” nytimes.com Mar. 24, 2015 |
10. |
Over 53 percent of all investigated burglaries reported in California, New Mexico, Nevada, Arizona, and Texas are perpetrated by illegal aliens.” National Executive Committee Member of the Constitution Party “Illegal Alien Crime and Violence by the Numbers” Constitution Party website (accessed Feb. 27, 2017) | During the same period, FBI data indicate that the violent crime rate declined 48 percent—which included falling rates of aggravated assault, robbery, rape, and murder. Likewise, the property crime rate fell 41 percent, including declining rates of motor vehicle theft, larceny/robbery, and burglary.” Senior Researcher at the American Immigration Council Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at The George Washington University Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the University of California at Irvine “The Criminalization of Immigration in the United States” American Immigration Council website July 13, 2015 |
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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Immigration to America — Argumentative Why Immigration Should Be Legal
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Immigration Argumentative Paper
There are around 43.3 million foreign-born people living in the United States today. From the beginning of this country until now, immigrants have come to the US in search of a better life, better opportunity, or more simply put: the American Dream. Attitudes towards immigration throughout this time have been mostly up and down until the new Trump administration. Throughout his campaign, one of Donald Trump’s main promises was the idea of cracking down on illegal immigration. Since he has taken office, Trump has attempted to ban people from certain countries from coming into the United States, use billions of tax dollars to build a border wall, and even to destroy programs like DACA from helping immigrant students. Extreme vetting and general discriminations on immigration in America contradict the basic ethics and ideals on which it was founded and should be repealed in order to allow immigrants to help the US economy as they can.
On the basis of morals, immigration is a simple idea. Allowing people to come into the country for freedoms of all kinds and opportunity is something one should not even question. It is not the fault of these migrants that their country has a large drug problem, or that their country does not believe in religious freedom but instead, believes in terrorism. Education is another privilege that the countries people are migrating from do not have. These people just want a fair chance to live their life and have the opportunity to educate themselves in order to go into the workforce to possibly make a difference in the world. However, because of their birthplace or background, they are not able to go anywhere or do anything without the prejudice of American born citizens following them. Taking away the programs that are helping some of these immigrants to get a good education or not get deported disallows our country to be free, full of opportunity, and diverse. The US was created by immigrants and built on the ideals of freedom and equality which is why immigration and programs for immigrants should be permitted.
One problem that makes immigration this “taboo” topic, is the system which is needed to migrate in the first place. The immigration system, which allows or disallows immigrants to come into the United States, is majorly outdated and ineffective in general. This system has not been touched or adapted in any way since 1986. The effects of this neglect are shown in the rising budget of the immigration system, the numbers of people being put into detention centers, and how difficult it is to become a citizen or even get residency in the US. These issues surrounding the system of immigration in America are the causes of why there are so many undocumented or illegal immigrants coming into the United States. If the president and Congress collaborated on legislative reforms for the system, it could one day be fixed, fixing along with it, the problem of illegal immigration.
Allowing people from other countries come into the US and work can actually be beneficial for America. The immigrants that come to America for work are not intentionally attempting to steal jobs from Americans. While it may seem that they are limiting jobs for American citizens, this is not entirely the case. People migrating to the US want any job they can get in order to make a life for themselves in this country. They take the cheap labor jobs that no American wants. This makes the economy grow because they are doing important jobs for almost no money. With these immigrant workers, the GDP is also raised because they are aiding the productivity of the country. Immigrants are also more innovative and more often become entrepreneurs. Many of the billion dollar companies in the US were created by legal immigrants. Most of these people also came to the US on a student visa which proves the importance of programs for migrant students and workers. From each of these billion dollar companies made by non-American born citizens, 760 jobs are created. People coming to the US from other countries are also more likely to go into a science or math career which is also a need for the economy.
Ultimately immigration is good for the economy because these immigrants allow the economy to prosper. These people are human just like the rest of the American-born population, so this extreme vetting and discrimination against them just goes to show the prejudice and pride the society holds. Taking the time to correct the immigration system might actually help to solve many of the problems people see with allowing migrants to come into the country. Once some of the inefficiencies with the system have been sorted out a domino effect may take place and those opposed to immigration may finally be able to see where treating other people with respect and equality can benefit them as well.
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Cutting through the noise with compelling evidence and hard facts, The Truth About Immigration has already ignited conversations across the political spectrum. Challenging readers to reconsider their preconceived biases and long-held beliefs, self-professed “accidental immigration scholar” Zeke Hernandez offers a meticulously researched, enlightening exploration of the global hot-button issue. The greatest takeaway from Wharton@Work ’s discussion with the author? Immigration isn’t just good for immigrants. The economic and social benefits they bring are critical to our national well-being.
Wharton@Work: For centuries, immigrants have been vilified as out to take our jobs, making our communities unsafe, and undermining our culture. What are the origins of those misconceptions?
Zeke Hernandez: It's part of what I label the villain argument in the book. It comes from the fact that we have inherited and believe a series of mental models of how the economy works that are just flat-out wrong. For example, we assume that when a new person moves into a community, they compete for the jobs of natives. That's based on the assumption that every worker in the economy is identical and people only come to the economy and work. But we don't stop to think of what those workers do with their paycheck. It turns out they have to spend it. And so more workers also means more consumers, which means that businesses have to grow.
We only think of immigrants in a really one-dimensional way. If I describe your contribution to the economy by saying you fill a job and that's all you do, that's obviously preposterous. Yes, you fill a job, but you also are a consumer. You're a taxpayer. You might have an idea, you might start a business, you might invest. In any community, there are many people that do all of those things. But somehow when it comes to immigrants, we think about them only as workers. We also know from decades of research that immigrants are much less likely than natives to commit crimes or be incarcerated.
W@W: What about the view of immigrants as helpless victims who need charity?
ZH: In every country, the most common alternative to the villain story is the victim story, the tired and poor huddled masses in the poem on the Statue of Liberty. While it's true that there are some immigrants who need a helping hand when they arrive, they soon become net contributors. The victim story might make us feel good because we're being compassionate and helpful, but it's another false mental model. It ignores the fact that new people do all of the things I just mentioned. When I say that those two narratives are wrong, it's not my opinion. I've been studying this for 20 years and this is what the data very clearly show. And so, in an interesting way, whether you think immigrants are villains or victims, and most people think one or the other, you are completely mischaracterizing what a new person does when they arrive in an economy and in a community and in a society. Immigrants don't need your fear and they often don't need your compassion.
W@W: How do you quantify immigrants’ impact on their new communities and countries?
ZH: If we focus on just economic benefits, there are at least five and they're all quantifiable. The first is greater investment where immigrants settle, which happens in at least two ways: immigrants are 80 percent more likely to start businesses than natives. They put their own capital into your community, which in turn creates jobs. And immigrants are magnets for investment by companies from their home country. Wherever they go, immigrants create more investment through those two avenues.
The reason I start with investment is because investment is a seed of every other economic benefit. If no one's investing in your community or in your country, that's it. There will be nothing else. The second benefit is that immigrants bring more of what I call highbrow and lowbrow innovation. On the highbrow side, think of everything from patents to high-technology products. Immigrants represent just 16 percent of inventors in the U.S., but they're responsible for 36 percent of all patents.
Immigrants are just 14 percent of the population, but they start a quarter of all businesses in the United States. If you narrow it down to businesses that grow to be valued at a billion dollars or more, or businesses in the Fortune 500, about half were started by immigrants. It’s a population that punches way above its weight when it comes to innovation. But I also think it's very important to talk about what I call lowbrow innovation — everyday things that we spend our time and money on, that we like, that we enjoy, that are introduced not because of a brilliant individual immigrant with a PhD, but because there's a critical mass of people from different backgrounds. That includes foods — everything from sriracha sauce to pasta, to pizza, to hamburgers, to sushi — and activities, from doing yoga, to listening to salsa music, to playing basketball. Those are all immigrant contributions.
The third benefit is that immigrants fill our public coffers. Were it not for foreign-born people, our fiscal system would be in deep, deep trouble. The average immigrant contributes, in net present value terms, $260,000 in taxes to the United States. Multiply that by all the immigrants and it’s over $10 trillion in taxes that the U.S. would miss out on. That's a net present value, so it's a much larger amount over time. Think of our programs like Social Security and Medicare. Our birth rates aren't keeping up to fund them, so the only place we're going to find taxpayers is bringing in new people.
Jobs are the fourth benefit. Immigrants are net job creators. I can't say that strongly enough because whenever people talk about immigrants in the economy, the most common concern is that immigrants take jobs away from natives. That's not true. But even more importantly — and this is the part we never get to — is that at best we say that immigrants fill job shortages on farms or in construction or in manufacturing. And while that's true, there's a very big difference between saying immigrants plug in labor shortages and saying that immigrants create jobs for native workers. That's actually what the evidence shows.
Immigrants create jobs through all the reasons I just explained: investment, innovation, and new businesses. Because of immigrants’ inventions, there are many tech start-ups that create jobs, and because of their labor, existing businesses are able to do more than they could without them. A good example is a restaurant: many new immigrants don't speak English very well, but they are very grateful to take a dishwashing or cooking job while they get their feet wet in the U.S. economy. That allows a restaurant to stay open and create more jobs.
Finally, the fifth benefit is a matter of skill and talent. There are a lot of areas in our economy where immigrants bring new and different skills and talents. The one that's most obvious is in science and engineering, where immigrants represent over a third of the workforce with bachelor's degrees and just about half of the workforce with graduate degrees. If you're talking about AI, over half of PhDs in the U.S. that have skills in AI are foreign-born; without them, you don't get ChatGPT, you don't get Microsoft's Bing or Apple Intelligence. And that's true not just in AI, but in biotech, in engineering, and in so many other fields.
W@W: So, is it fair to say that by severely limiting immigration, we lose those benefits?
ZH: We not only lose all of those benefits, but you create harm for America and Americans. You hurt the economy, you hurt workers, you hurt innovation, and you hurt national security. We have evidence that that happens: as a result of the 1920s immigration quotas, U.S.-born scientists, who would have collaborated with southern and eastern European scientists, became nearly 70 percent less inventive. U.S.-born workers also lost jobs: to this day, 100 years later, places that lost the most immigrants to those restrictive quotas receive less investment and make less investment. It’s not speculation about the damage those quotes created — it's well documented.
W@W: You are a business school professor. What is your message for business leaders?
ZH: Even though I'm talking about issues that are big picture, affecting our macro economy and our society, this is very much a business issue, because thriving businesses ultimately benefit our economies and our communities. All five of the benefits created by immigration are done through business, either because immigrants work in a business or they start a business of their own. It's businesses that make investments in communities. It's businesses where most innovation happens. It's businesses that create products that people consume. It's businesses that hire talent. And it's businesses that pay many of the taxes that fill our public coffers. I would hope that business leaders understand that immigration is much more than something they vote on every four years. Immigration is central to the ability of a business to thrive.
W@W: Why do you describe yourself as an “accidental immigration scholar”?
ZH: I didn't set out to study immigration when I started graduate school. I really wanted to understand the connection between business and economic growth, in part because of my upbringing in Latin America. I saw and was moved by a lot of poverty, and I wanted to understand what creates economic growth, particularly the role of business, because I'd also noticed that a new business does more to alleviate poverty than a lot of aid money, because the business is creating jobs and bringing investment and revitalizing a community. I accidentally backed into immigration as a variable I couldn't ignore, because it turns out that if you want a healthy flow of capital, investment, innovation, ideas, and jobs, you need people and the movement of people. And so, I realized I can't separate the economy or economic growth from people. I’ve spent 20 years very slowly and painstakingly doing the research to discover all the ways in which the movement of people is central to all the things that you and I want for a healthy community. Bad mental models have us think of the economy as money and fed speak and interest rates, but none of that's the economy. Those are indicators of the economy. The real thing is people. I don't want to oversimplify it, but it took me a long time to realize that in some ways, it's conceptually that simple.
W@W: You end the book with a call for “factual optimism.” With those misguided mental models still at the forefront of the discussion of immigration, what makes you optimistic?
ZH: There's a big disconnect between what the headlines say and what politicians say and what people actually feel. Seventy percent of Americans think immigrants are a good thing for this country. Less than a third want immigrants deported. The majority of Americans want those Mexican workers to remain, even if they're not here with legal authorization, because they recognize the good they do. People who deal in reality, like business owners, mayors, and city council members, understand that we need immigrants to balance the budget, to create and fill jobs, to attract investment.
The problem is with a small but highly motivated minority that does very well by pushing the victim narrative — and they have disproportionate influence in our media and in our public discourse. So, while I acknowledge the political fights and the dysfunction that we have in this country, I think that the majority is already positively inclined and open to the facts. I think that's what the data tell us. Part of the reason I wrote this book was to say that exactly 100 years after we passed restrictive quotas, we can't make the same mistake again. Here are talking points. Here are facts. Here are numbers.
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I am writing this post on a somewhat bumpy plane ride, so I will try doing it without links. Most of the relevant sources you can find through perplexity.Ai, or even on MR itself. Google too.
Overall, I am distressed by the contagion effects when it comes to immigration views. A large number of people are much more anti-immigration than they used to be, in part because yet others are more anti-immigration. All sorts of anecdotes circulate. But let’s look more systematically at what we have learned about immigration in the last ten years or so. Not all of it should count as pro-immigration, but a lot of it should, with one huge caveat.
When it comes to the wage effects of immigration, there is very modest additional evidence in the positive direction. I wouldn’t put much weight on that, but it certainly is not pointing in the other direction.
The United States is showing it can have a higher stock of immigrants and also falling crime rates. I am not suggesting a causal model there, but again that should be more reassuring than not.
There is additional evidence for the positive fiscal benefits of immigrants, including less skilled immigrants. Some of this is from the CBO, some of it I outlined in a Bloomberg column maybe a month or so ago. I don’t view those results as major revisions, but again they are not pointing in the wrong direction.
There is reasonable though not decisive macroeconomic evidence that immigrant labor supply was a significant contributor to America’s strong post-pandemic recovery.
If you are a right-winger who was worried that incoming Latinos would vote Democratic in some huge percentage, you can set your mind at ease on that one. You also can take this as evidence of a particular kind of assimilation.
Fertility rates are falling much more than we had expected, including in the United States. This makes the case for immigration much stronger.
It is increasingly evident that immigrant-rich Florida and Texas are doing just great. The picture is decidedly less positive for many parts of California, but I suppose I see evidence that the white Progressive Left is mainly at fault there, not the immigrants. Still, I do think you can make a reasonable argument that immigrants and the Progressive Left interact in a dysfunctional manner. It is no surprise to me that so many of the leading anti-immigrant voices come from California.
Overall, I am struck by the fact that immigration critics do not send me cost-benefit studies, nor do they seem to commission them. If the case against immigration is so strong, why aren’t these studies created and then sent to me? You could have a good one for a few hundred thousand dollars, right? Instead, in my emails and the like I receive a blizzard of negative emotion, and all sorts of anecdotal claims about how terrible various things are, but never a decent CBA. I take that to be endogenous. I think it is widely accepted that America having taken in the people who are now Italian-Americans would pass a cost-benefit test, even though the Mafia ruled New Jersey and Rhode Island for decades. Somehow people are less keen to apply this same kind of reasoning looking forward, though they are happy to regale you with tales of crimes by current immigrants.
I do see good evidence that trust in American government is falling, but I attribute that mainly to the Martin Gurri effect. I mean look at the current gaslighters in the White House and in the media — they are not primarily immigrants, quite the contrary. Or all the Covid mistakes, were they due to “the immigrants”? I don’t see it.
Now let us look at knowledge updates on the other side of the ledger, namely new knowledge that should make us more skeptical about immigration.
We now see that external hostility to Israel and Taiwan is stronger than we had thought. So the case for a looser immigration policy in Israel is much weaker than it used to be. As for Taiwan, they should be more careful about letting in mainland Chinese. Estonia needs to be more wary about letting in Russians, and indeed they are. And there might be other countries where this kind of logic applies. Do I really know so much about the situation between Burundi and Rwanda? In general, as the level of conflict in the world rises, there will be more of these cases. It is also a major consideration for anywhere near Ukraine. Small countries need to worry about this most of all.
I should note this problem does not seem to apply to North America, though you might require tougher security clearances for some jobs currently held by Chinese migrants.
The second issue, and it is a biggie, is that voters dislike immigration much, much more than they used to. The size of this effect has been surprising, and also the extent of its spread. I am writing this post on Election Day in France, and preliminary results suggest a very real risk that France ends up ungovernable. Immigrants are clearly a major factor in this outcome, even under super-benign views that do not “blame” the immigrants themselves at all.
Versions of this are happening in many countries, not just a few, and often these are countries that previously were fairly well governed.
I think it is better for countries in such positions to be much tougher on immigration, rather than to suffer these kinds of political consequences.
But let’s look honestly at the overall revision to our views. Politics is stupider and less ethical than before, including when it comes immigration (but not only! Fellow citizens also have become more negative about other fellow citizens of differing views, and I view negativism as the root of the problem all around). We need to take that into account, and so all sorts of pro-migration dreams need to be set aside for the time being, at least in many countries. Nonetheless the actual practical consequences of immigration, political backlash excluded, are somewhat more positive than we had thought. For some smaller countries, however, that may not hold, Israel being the easiest example to grasp but not the only. In the longer run, we also would like to prepare for the day when higher levels of immigration might resume, even if that currently seems far off. So we shouldn’t talk down immigration per se . Instead we should try to combat excess negativism in many spheres of life.
Somehow that view is too complicated for people to process, and so instead they instinctively jump on the anti-immigration bandwagon. Too much negativism. But in fact my view is better than theirs, and so they ought to hold it.
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Majority’s ruling in an immigration case could signal an appetite to revisit marriage equality.
Is the Supreme Court’s conservative majority plotting to chip away at the right to same-sex marriage or other constitutional protections? The liberal justices seem to think so and issued an ominous warning to that effect in a dissent on Friday as part of an otherwise obscure immigration case.
The case, Department of State v. Muñoz , involves Sandra Muñoz, a California woman and U.S. citizen, whose husband, Luis Asencio-Cordero, a citizen of El Salvador, wanted to enter the United States to live with his wife and child, also a U.S. citizen. An officer at the U.S. Consulate in San Salvador refused him entry, finding that Asencio-Cordero was a member of the MS-13 gang, partly on the basis of his religious tattoos. Asencio-Cordero denied gang membership.
Under U.S. immigration law, noncitizens don’t have the right to challenge visa denials in court. But Muñoz claimed that the refusal to give her husband a visa infringed what she said was her fundamental right to live with her spouse in the United States, part of the protection of the right to marriage that the court has said is guaranteed under the Constitution.
The court rejected that argument. “A citizen does not have a fundamental liberty interest in her noncitizen spouse being admitted to the country,” Justice Amy Coney Barrett wrote for the majority .
Such a right, she said, is not “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and traditions,” citing a 1997 case that has become the touchstone for determining (or, in the case of abortion , limiting) the scope of constitutional rights not specifically outlined in the text.
You can guess the reason for the liberal justices’ worry here. The first sentence in the dissent, written by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, comes from Obergefell v. Hodges , the 2015 case establishing the right of same-sex couples to marry. That was a 5-4 decision by a far different court; two members of the majority, Justice Anthony M. Kennedy and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, have now been replaced, by Justices Brett M. Kavanaugh and Barrett.
The majority could have disposed of this case, Sotomayor argued, simply by declaring that Muñoz had received all the process she was due — an explanation from authorities about why the visa was refused. (Justice Neil M. Gorsuch made the same point, concurring in the outcome, but not joining the majority opinion.)
“That could and should have been the end of it,” Sotomayor said. “Instead, the majority swings for the fences.” Its approach to the constitutional right to marriage, she warned, is inconsistent with the understanding it outlined in Obergefell — and its assurances in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization , its 2022 decision eliminating constitutional protection for abortion rights, that other precedents were not at risk.
The majority in Dobbs disclaimed any interest in revisiting other decisions, including Obergefell, grounded in unenumerated rights. (Justice Clarence Thomas would have gone all the way, undoing decisions establishing protection for married couples to obtain contraceptives, for gay couples to engage in sexual behavior, and for same-sex marriage.)
“Despite the majority’s assurance two Terms ago that its eradication of the right to abortion ‘does not undermine … in any way’ other entrenched substantive due process rights such as the right to marry,’ ‘the right to reside with relatives,’ and ‘the right to make decisions about the education of one’s children,’ the Court fails at the first pass,” Sotomayor warned.
Most immediately, she said, the risk is to same-sex couples, who often can’t safely live together in other countries. Yet she intimated there was more going on here. The majority, she said, “makes the same fatal error it made in Dobbs ,” requiring “too careful” a description of the claimed “fundamental liberty interest.” This reads like the first salvo in the battle over the scope of unenumerated constitutional rights unleashed by Dobbs.
The majority responded that the dissenters were leaping to unwarranted conclusions. Its basic message to the liberals was that they should chill out. “To be clear: Today’s decision does not remotely call into question any precedent of this Court, including those protecting marriage as a fundamental right,” Barrett wrote in a footnote.
So, how fearful should we be about the threat to same-sex marriage? If the question were to come up for the first time today, I doubt the court would reach the same result as in Obergefell and declare a sweeping new constitutional right. At the same time — and, yes, I know how cavalierly they tossed aside precedent in Dobbs — I doubt that even this court is about to upend the national legal landscape again and eliminate the right to marriage equality.
Still, Barrett and her fellow conservative justices are clearly not inclined to any broad reading of the Constitution and its unenumerated rights. As Gorsuch and the dissenters pointed out, they could have ducked the constitutional question and decided Muñoz on narrower grounds. Instead, they opted to reiterate the importance of restricting constitutional protections to only those “deeply rooted in history and tradition.” Was this a signal? An invitation? That the liberal justices are nervous should worry us all.
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Additional reporting by Yiming Woo; writing by Ingrid Melander; editing by Tassilo Hummel, Sonali Paul and Mark Heinrich
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Thursday briefing: what’s at stake in britain’s elections.
Plus, an ally said Biden is considering leaving the race.
By Daniel E. Slotnik
By Mark Landler
Britain goes to the polls today after a campaign that featured the same ingredients as other elections across Europe and the Americas: frustrated voters eager to reject the status quo, a deeply discredited government and a dash of populism — in this case, represented by the insurgent candidacy of Nigel Farage.
But Britain is likely to emerge from the election as an outlier. While the electorates in other countries are shifting to the right, British voters are expected to evict the Conservative-led government after 14 years, in favor of the center-left Labour Party. In today’s newsletter, I’ll explain why Britain is zigging while others are zagging.
The Conservatives, or Tories, have presided over a tumultuous era that began with David Cameron in 2010. It included harsh budget cuts after the financial crisis of 2008, the Brexit vote of 2016, the Covid pandemic and a revolving door of prime ministers. For many, it has been a circus that now needs to leave town.
Boris Johnson was drummed out of office after serial scandals. (Among other things, he held parties during a Covid lockdown he had imposed.) Liz Truss lasted less than 50 days after the financial markets turned savagely against her proposed tax cuts. The current prime minister, Rishi Sunak, has steadied the ship but failed to give restless voters much of an argument for keeping his party in power.
Beyond the constant drama, Labour politicians claim the Conservatives have broken Britain. They say: Cuts have starved the country’s revered National Health Service, leading to overcrowded emergency rooms and monthslong waits for elective surgery.
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In this module students will analyze primary source documents and graphs to write an argumentative essay on immigration. Students will analyze to what extent was the United States a land of opportunities for immigrants. Lessons 1. Introduction to Immigration Quick Write 2. Immigration PPT 3. Immigrant Group Poster Presentations 4. Ellis Island ...
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I am writing this post on a somewhat bumpy plane ride, so I will try doing it without links. Most of the relevant sources you can find through perplexity.Ai, or even on MR itself. Google too. Overall, I am distressed by the contagion effects when it comes to immigration views. A large number of people […]
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