proper haircut essay

Proper Haircut In School Essay

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The hair style of high school students has been a controversial issue for many years. The prescribed plain short hair may look tidy, but the insistence on the hair length below the ear lobe in the case of girl students, which is fixed at one centimeter or at most two, is quite unnecessary.

Until recently, the Mayor of Tainan had tried to persuade the Ministry of Education to give the high schoolers the carte blanche to determine their own hair styles. It is difficult for us to say if the idea is right or wrong.So far as I am concerned, problems of the young are not confined to such a small matter as hair style; what matters is the reinforcement of the students’ moral consciousness, the way they should behave, and the like.

The length of their hair or whether they have the right to give it a permanent wave is relatively unimportant. Cleanness and neatness is what really matters. There is hardly anything that stays unchanged all the time. Why doesn’t the concerned authority reconsider this hair business? Maybe the bickerings that sour the relations between the military instructors and their students will therefore be gone.By the way, to improve one’s appearance is nothing wrong, is it? We all expect to see a new look of the young.

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Maybe a change in the concerned authority’s policy toward the high schoolers’ hair style will bring this about. {2} In my opinion the problem of the high schoolers’ hair style has been overemphasized. So far as I know, this problem has been existing for quite a long time and possibly in our country alone. High school students are supposed to study hard, but it seems that few care what they really want. I just graduated from high school this year.While in high school I didn’t care much about my hair style, but whenever the school checked to see if we had had our hair cut I always felt a little annoyed. If anyone forgot to have his hair cut to the required standard, he was sure to be reprimanded or even punished. I hope our high school can show a greater interest in helping students cultivate their minds than in picking holes in their hair. Once in a while our society seems to be interested in this problem too, but it is a pity that the students’ own view in this matter is rarely consulted.That is why students often quarrel with their teachers, and this mutual misunderstanding is often detrimental to the students themselves. Most high school students do not really care what their hair style is; what they beef about is perhaps the constant check on their hair length. Why doesn’t the Ministry of Education release high school students from this particular pressure? No wonder more and more youngsters in school are inclined to commit offenses. It is time to try and keep our educational house in order. 3} It is surprising that high school students’ hair style should become a controversial subjects. As a matter of fact, this is not a serious problem, because in my opinion high school students should not in the first place spend too much time on hair care. Time is money. The most important thing for high school students to keep in mind is to do well in school and be well prepared for the college entrance examinations. Since the admission rate of college aspirants is low, high school students should make more of an effort to prepare for it.Furthermore, the period of restricted hair length is only from junior to senior high school; if the junior high school students find nothing wrong with their hair style, why should the senior high school students take exception to it? So my conclusion is this: though it is right for the concerned authorities to relax the restrictions imposed on high schoolers’ hair style in a reasonable way, the students themselves should also realize that their hair style is nothing important, that when they are graduated such restrictions on their hair will automatically become null and void.Although I am a college student now, my memory of my high school days is still fresh. As a high school student I did not care about my hair style; on the contrary, I was thankful to the uniform hair style because I could thus save much time as well as money in paying less attention to my hair. In a word, there is really no need to bother about one’s hair, especially if you are just a student. If one’s hair is compared to a tree and one’s period of education to a river, then we can see that the tree will keep growing new leaves while the river, if it ever flows, will never flow back.Youth is itself a kind of beauty, an asset, so I don’t think a student’s hair will in any way detract from this beauty. {4} The hair style of high school students was once an interesting subject in the newspaper. Almost all the educators, top-ranking government officials and teachers said that we high school students should not pick on the prescribed hair style of ours. According to them, the sole duty of a student’s was to study and study and the inner part of the head was more important than the hair that covers the scalp.Despite what they said, I still don’t like hair style imposed on us high school students. I isn’t beautiful and it is unnatural. It looks like some dry dark grass on a boy student’s head and a very small black hat on a girl student’s. I am tired of having my hair cut every four weeks, yet I am obliged to do that because the military instructor so frequently inspects the hair style of every student. To me hair style is strictly a personal matter. I like to have my hair a little longer and be spared the trouble of having it cut every so often.We students labor under so many rules in school and we are taught to obey all of them. I think a uniform plain hair style is not necessary at all. Why can’t we do as we like? We are eager to see the time when we are free to choose our own hair styles in our post-high school days. {5} Closely following my graduation from junior high school in 1975 I entered a college to major in Chemical Engineering. Thus I have had no experience whatever as a senior high school student. I do not really know how the average high-schoolers react to this “hair problem,” so the point of view I offer here is strictly personal.The main reason why the authorities want to impose a prescribed hair style on the high-schoolers is that this would prevent them from being contaminated by bad social influences. But I can cite an example to show that the length or the style of one’s hair has no baleful effect at all on a student’s behavior. From the day they enter the school the students of the college are perfectly free to choose their own hair styles, yet nobody says the students here are spoiled by such freedom. Is this enough to justify the demand that high-schoolers be liberated from a prescribed hair style? 6} In accordance with a regulation a high school student here in Taiwan must have his or her hair cut short. Top-ranking officials in charge of education may have many reasons to justify this regulation, but the fact is that almost every student regards it with distaste. We go to school, not only to gain knowledge but also to learn how to tell right from wrong and acquire independent thinking. This is really what the educators or educational officials should be concerned about, certainly not the hair of the student.My personal experience tells me that the rule governing the student’s hair style is simply the cause of endless troubles between students and teachers. Why don’t they give the students the right to make their own decisions in this matter? If school officials insist on enforcing a hair style, it will only make the students more estranged from their teachers. We hope every boy or girl is a good student, but to pin this hope on a student’s close-cropped hair is certainly naive, if not absurd. {7} The hair style of high school student has long been a controversial issue.Authorities concerned insisted that the fixed hair style could make high school students look fresh and tidy. I myself was a high school student. I never thought this hair style had done me any good. When I was a high school student, my classmates often got into trouble with our military instructor, and it was not infrequent that they would be awarded a demerit simply because their hair was a little longer than the prescribed length. What is important, I should like to point out, is the mind under the hair, not the hair on the head. The authorities need not be afraid of the consequences of a cancellation of the hair regulation.I believe the law and order of our society does not depend on the length of one’s hair, especially on that of the high school students’. For many years we have tried to solve the problem of juvenile delinquency. All we need to do in this respect is to encourage them to give more attention to their education and allow them more leeway in their activities. To prescribe a hair style for the young is certainly the least admirable means to achieve this end. {8} I think it is all right for a high school student to wear a clean and plain hair, but it is not necessary to force him to have his hair cut very very short.Such kind of short hair is simply not a “style” at all. Some students often quarrel with their teachers and military instructors over the hair issue and there are even “battles” waged by the students to protect their hair. The love of beauty, we must admit, is human nature, and so is the care of one’s hair. In fact, not at all is the very very short hair beautiful to look at. What then is the kind of hair style fit for a high school student? In my opinion, a clean, simple, nice-looking, and moderately long hair will cut the mustard. Actually I am ery much in favor of high school students wearing their hair moderately long, for such a hair style will not only protect the head from exposure to severe cold of severe heat but will also make the wearer more nice-looking. Allowing the students to wear their hair this way will also help to put an end to many of the squabbles between them and their teachers or military instructors. The most important thing today for a high school student is, however, study; all other things are relatively unimportant. So we should not bother ourselves too much with this question. After all, beauty is but skin deep. ?

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Essays on Haircut Policy

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Haircut Benefits for College Students

College is hideously expensive today, and the extra costs mount up swiftly. Lab fees, gym fees, books, equipment for science lab courses, parking fees, and heaven knows what else all add to the truly unbelievable cost of a degree. Students need to be comfortable, safe, well-shod, properly clothed, and decently fed, but there are many areas where savings can be realized in the four years of a college career. Let us see where we can save some other funds for the future.

A student needs a really good haircut at the beginning of the semester. This is crucial for several reasons. Yes, this article is about saving money, but saving also means investing in what will pay off in the future.

First, this is your introduction to the other students. They will form an instantaneous impression of you that will remain with them for, literally, years. Those first days of college are a formative moment in most people’s lives. You are physically AT a college for a reason; to have a complete experience that includes social interaction with others. If you were not interested in that aspect of college, you would be attending one of the many fine online institutions and wearing your jammies and slippers and bed-head. At a residential or commuter college, you will be on display for two to four years and you want to make a good initial impression.

Second, this is an area of your appearance that will take way too much time anyway. If you can start with a fine haircut, whether male or female, you will save crucial and precious time that you should be spending sleeping or studying. A competent hair cutter can work with your hair texture and come up with a style that takes the least possible amount of time to look decent and presentable. That is your goal: speed and minimum fuss.

Third, if you know that your hair looks good, you are going to be less self-conscious about other aspects of your appearance. For example, if you notice that you do not possess the current craze in outerwear, footgear, backpack, or jeans, you can be less concerned about projecting an image of fashionable poise if your hair looks great. Those fad purchases can be deleted from your wish list. Ka-ching – money saved!

Therefore, get the best haircut you can before arriving on campus if at all possible. If you are coming from an area where such services are a bit scarce on the ground, budget for this, and get yourself to the best haircutter near campus as fast as you can. If you don’t like the result, after comparing your tonsorial crown to that of the most attractive students on campus, keep looking for a better place. Ask students who are from the areas near the college, who do look good, and who have a hair texture similar to yours, where they get their hair cut. Go there and do likewise. This may be the most expensive place in town, but not necessarily.

As a lower-cost alternative to patronizing the costliest salon or barber around, look for the nearest school of beauty. These places often offer their services as a way of giving the students practice in all the phases of their work. The prices are substantially lower than in a commercial salon/barbershop, and there are always teachers around to prevent disasters. You can be sure that you will get the benefit of the newest techniques and ideas about hair care, and save a bundle.

Having disposed of the most time-wasting aspect of personal presentation, you can now proceed to slash the budget in almost every other area of personal grooming. You do not need professional manicures or pedicures while at college. Yes, this can be a rather low-cost indulgence, but it is unnecessary. The ingredients to achieve neat, well-cut nails (emery board, clippers) cost a fraction of the expense of paying someone else to do it for you. You will need healthy nails for lab experiments, not long glittery ones with butterfly decals on them.

You will not need tanning salon sessions either. These are true health hazards and the time spent in them is time you will need for studying, or sleeping, not roasting.

The benefits of a spray-on tan are dubious, and you may find that you look ridiculous. Look closely at the campus leaders. Do they have spray-on tans? If the campus has a significant snob element, the well-heeled kids will not need a spray-on tan; they will have flown to warmer, sunnier climes for a real tan. If you can’t compete with this, don’t try. You can save your money for a trip somewhere sunny when you graduate.

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Philippine Schools’ Haircut Policy: Effective? Argumentative Essay

The standard haircut policy for most schools and universities in the Philippines is 2 x 3 or better known as “barber’s cut”. To give you a clear picture, the hair is cut two inches shaved on the sides, and three inches shaved on the back. Some schools that implement such policy are Aquinas School, St. Andrew’s School, and Don Bosco Technical Institute. Like every other policy, haircut policy applies to a certain category of people; males only. By regularly having a haircut, the students keep in mind that they have something to accomplish at a certain time every month.

That is the disciple that the school administrators emphasize. In my opinion, the 2 x 3 haircut policy is not necessary for implementation in schools because it has no effect or contribution to a student’s learning. “The barber’s cut looks neat and clean, according to the administration of the schools that implement the policy. It makes the student look decent and respectable. Fine young men are how male students with such hair style are treated. It’s quite hygienic as well because the possibility of messing up the hair through over-styling is removed.

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It is also easy to groom this hair style, so it saves students time. ” In schools, where we are taught right Christian values, ironically is the same place where being judgmental is inevitable. Just because one has longer hair than the prescribed, it doesn’t make him any less of a person. One can also look neat and presentable by sporting a hairstyle without resorting to this “white side wall” cut. Take for instance the hairstyle of local celebrity, Robi Domingo. He managed to graduate with flying colors in Ateneo de Manila University!

Pardon my ignorance, but I cannot understand what is so time consuming with styling male’s hairstyle when you can only finger combed a shorter hair? Isn’t styling ladies long shoulder length hair, more tedious than male’s ear-line hairstyle? How come the policy only applies to male then? Everyone wants to look good. I certainly want to look good. But by sporting a barber’s cut, how can I? Other people aren’t comfortable with it either. Also, there are other ways to discipline students other than the implementation of this haircut policy. Perhaps an even stricter policy on cleanliness would be more accepted by everybody.

Additionally, either having hair cut short or growing it long won’t have any effect on a student’s learning in school. So, why do we need to abide by such rule? It’s everybody’s right to choose how he or she should look. Forcing a student to look different from how he would like to, has a considerable effect on his confidence and self-esteem, which can then affect his performance in school. Lack of self-esteem can cause depression, and depression hinders performance. It is a shallow reason to show unsatisfactory performance in school just because of the lack of self-esteem due to barber’s cut.

Schools should probably change it to a policy that gives them freedom regarding hair styles but mirrors the parameters of decency together with it. As long as the student looks decent and neat with the hair style he prefers, it should be allowed. Wouldn’t it be fairer if we have freedom on how we want to look? We have our own preferences on how we want to look. All of us want to appear the best we can, because it shows that you care for yourself. It’s a way to express who we are, and we shouldn’t be hindered from showing others our individuality.

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Blog > Essay Advice , Personal Statement > College Essay About Hair: Dos and Don’ts

College Essay About Hair: Dos and Don’ts

Admissions officer reviewed by Ben Bousquet, M.Ed Former Vanderbilt University

Written by Kylie Kistner, MA Former Willamette University Admissions

Key Takeaway

As an admissions officer, I read quite a few essays about hair. After all, hair can be an important part of your identity for a lot of reasons.

At best, college essays about hair can reveal vulnerable insights into an applicant’s life.

But at worst, college essays about hair can be boring, cliche, and inauthentic.

Let’s go over how to write yours the right way.

Effective Ways to Approach a College Essay About Hair

To put it simply, good college essays about hair are in reality about a lot more than your hair.

Hair becomes a mechanism for telling a meaningful story about your life, and there are two main ways applicants tend to do this.

How your hair relates to or symbolizes another significant aspect of your identity

Hair can be symbolic, religious, political, and more. It can be a significant part of people’s daily experiences in a way that goes way beyond looks.

Maybe you want to write about your experience wearing a hijab. Or perhaps you have an illness or condition that affects your hair. Or maybe you want to write about not being able to cut your hair because of your upbringing, or even the process of coming to terms with your hair texture as it relates to your identity.

There are so many directions a good college essay about hair can take. Relating your hair to a deeper aspect of your identity can be a great way to draw out meaning and reveal important insights to admissions officers.

How hair has been part of your close relationships

If you had long hair as a child, you probably know the pain of having a loved one brush through a knot in your hair or tie a ponytail too tight.

Hair can be a way you relate to those around you.

Whether you fondly remember your grandma braiding your hair or you always connected with your dad because you were the only two in the family with curly hair, using your hair as a way to talk about a close relationship can be an impactful college essay topic.

But as with any college essay that relates to another person, just be sure to keep the ultimate message of the essay on you, not the other person.

Bad Ways to Approach a College Essay About Hair

Like any popular college essay topic, there are wrong ways to write about your hair.

So what makes an essay about hair a bad personal statement ?

It doesn’t reveal any genuine insights that give admissions officers more reason to admit you .

Let’s say you’re applying for a competitive engineering program. You have great supplementals, solid activities, and an outstanding transcript. But you decided to write your personal statement about what it’s like to have curly hair.

Admissions officers breeze through your application—it looks promising. When they get to your personal statement, though, things fall flat. Your personal statement was a good read, but it doesn’t sway the admissions officer in your favor because it doesn’t give them any insight into why you’d be a good addition to their engineering program. They end up voting to reject you.

Avoid the following two approaches to prevent this story from happening to you.

Simple description of what your hair is like

Curly, straight, frizzy, sleek, short, long, voluminous, thin—there are so many ways to describe hair. The topic can actually make for fantastic material for creative writing.

But too many applicants start and stop with a description of their hair. They explain what it’s been like to have hair of a particular type, color, or texture. They might even detail the journey of coming to terms with their hair. But they leave it at that.

Unfortunately, that’s not enough for a college essay.

If you want to write about your experiences with your hair, be sure to connect them to a deeper part of your identity.

Surface-level account of a challenge you had with your hair

Maybe you were bullied because of your hair. Or maybe you finally got the courage to change your signature style, and it didn’t go well. Maybe you got gum in your hair and had to cut it all off and felt lost without it.

Those sound like impactful moments, but they alone aren’t strong topics for a college essay.

When challenges stay on the surface level, they leave admissions officers asking, “So what?” So what if you go gum in your hair? So what if you changed your signature style and had to wait a couple weeks for people to get used to it?

Connecting your hair to a deeper part of your lived experience answers the “So what?” question up front. Don’t leave your admissions officer guessing.

Your hair should be a tool you use to talk about a deeper part of yourself or your experiences. Staying at the level of looks isn’t enough.

That’s why it’s critical that you use the right approach.

It’s all about creating a seamless application narrative , one that shows admissions officers exactly why you’d be a great addition to their campuses.

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NPR suspends veteran editor as it grapples with his public criticism

David Folkenflik

NPR suspended senior editor Uri Berliner for five days without pay after he wrote an essay accusing the network of losing the public's trust and appeared on a podcast to explain his argument. Uri Berliner hide caption

NPR suspended senior editor Uri Berliner for five days without pay after he wrote an essay accusing the network of losing the public's trust and appeared on a podcast to explain his argument.

NPR has formally punished Uri Berliner, the senior editor who publicly argued a week ago that the network had "lost America's trust" by approaching news stories with a rigidly progressive mindset.

Berliner's five-day suspension without pay, which began last Friday, has not been previously reported.

Yet the public radio network is grappling in other ways with the fallout from Berliner's essay for the online news site The Free Press . It angered many of his colleagues, led NPR leaders to announce monthly internal reviews of the network's coverage, and gave fresh ammunition to conservative and partisan Republican critics of NPR, including former President Donald Trump.

Conservative activist Christopher Rufo is among those now targeting NPR's new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the network. Among others, those posts include a 2020 tweet that called Trump racist and another that appeared to minimize rioting during social justice protests that year. Maher took the job at NPR last month — her first at a news organization .

In a statement Monday about the messages she had posted, Maher praised the integrity of NPR's journalists and underscored the independence of their reporting.

"In America everyone is entitled to free speech as a private citizen," she said. "What matters is NPR's work and my commitment as its CEO: public service, editorial independence, and the mission to serve all of the American public. NPR is independent, beholden to no party, and without commercial interests."

The network noted that "the CEO is not involved in editorial decisions."

In an interview with me later on Monday, Berliner said the social media posts demonstrated Maher was all but incapable of being the person best poised to direct the organization.

"We're looking for a leader right now who's going to be unifying and bring more people into the tent and have a broader perspective on, sort of, what America is all about," Berliner said. "And this seems to be the opposite of that."

Conservative critics of NPR are now targeting its new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the public radio network last month. Stephen Voss/Stephen Voss hide caption

Conservative critics of NPR are now targeting its new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the public radio network last month.

He said that he tried repeatedly to make his concerns over NPR's coverage known to news leaders and to Maher's predecessor as chief executive before publishing his essay.

Berliner has singled out coverage of several issues dominating the 2020s for criticism, including trans rights, the Israel-Hamas war and COVID. Berliner says he sees the same problems at other news organizations, but argues NPR, as a mission-driven institution, has a greater obligation to fairness.

"I love NPR and feel it's a national trust," Berliner says. "We have great journalists here. If they shed their opinions and did the great journalism they're capable of, this would be a much more interesting and fulfilling organization for our listeners."

A "final warning"

The circumstances surrounding the interview were singular.

Berliner provided me with a copy of the formal rebuke to review. NPR did not confirm or comment upon his suspension for this article.

In presenting Berliner's suspension Thursday afternoon, the organization told the editor he had failed to secure its approval for outside work for other news outlets, as is required of NPR journalists. It called the letter a "final warning," saying Berliner would be fired if he violated NPR's policy again. Berliner is a dues-paying member of NPR's newsroom union but says he is not appealing the punishment.

The Free Press is a site that has become a haven for journalists who believe that mainstream media outlets have become too liberal. In addition to his essay, Berliner appeared in an episode of its podcast Honestly with Bari Weiss.

A few hours after the essay appeared online, NPR chief business editor Pallavi Gogoi reminded Berliner of the requirement that he secure approval before appearing in outside press, according to a copy of the note provided by Berliner.

In its formal rebuke, NPR did not cite Berliner's appearance on Chris Cuomo's NewsNation program last Tuesday night, for which NPR gave him the green light. (NPR's chief communications officer told Berliner to focus on his own experience and not share proprietary information.) The NPR letter also did not cite his remarks to The New York Times , which ran its article mid-afternoon Thursday, shortly before the reprimand was sent. Berliner says he did not seek approval before talking with the Times .

NPR defends its journalism after senior editor says it has lost the public's trust

Berliner says he did not get permission from NPR to speak with me for this story but that he was not worried about the consequences: "Talking to an NPR journalist and being fired for that would be extraordinary, I think."

Berliner is a member of NPR's business desk, as am I, and he has helped to edit many of my stories. He had no involvement in the preparation of this article and did not see it before it was posted publicly.

In rebuking Berliner, NPR said he had also publicly released proprietary information about audience demographics, which it considers confidential. He said those figures "were essentially marketing material. If they had been really good, they probably would have distributed them and sent them out to the world."

Feelings of anger and betrayal inside the newsroom

His essay and subsequent public remarks stirred deep anger and dismay within NPR. Colleagues contend Berliner cherry-picked examples to fit his arguments and challenge the accuracy of his accounts. They also note he did not seek comment from the journalists involved in the work he cited.

Morning Edition host Michel Martin told me some colleagues at the network share Berliner's concerns that coverage is frequently presented through an ideological or idealistic prism that can alienate listeners.

"The way to address that is through training and mentorship," says Martin, herself a veteran of nearly two decades at the network who has also reported for The Wall Street Journal and ABC News. "It's not by blowing the place up, by trashing your colleagues, in full view of people who don't really care about it anyway."

Several NPR journalists told me they are no longer willing to work with Berliner as they no longer have confidence that he will keep private their internal musings about stories as they work through coverage.

"Newsrooms run on trust," NPR political correspondent Danielle Kurtzleben tweeted last week, without mentioning Berliner by name. "If you violate everyone's trust by going to another outlet and sh--ing on your colleagues (while doing a bad job journalistically, for that matter), I don't know how you do your job now."

Berliner rejected that critique, saying nothing in his essay or subsequent remarks betrayed private observations or arguments about coverage.

Other newsrooms are also grappling with questions over news judgment and confidentiality. On Monday, New York Times Executive Editor Joseph Kahn announced to his staff that the newspaper's inquiry into who leaked internal dissent over a planned episode of its podcast The Daily to another news outlet proved inconclusive. The episode was to focus on a December report on the use of sexual assault as part of the Hamas attack on Israel in October. Audio staffers aired doubts over how well the reporting stood up to scrutiny.

"We work together with trust and collegiality everyday on everything we produce, and I have every expectation that this incident will prove to be a singular exception to an important rule," Kahn wrote to Times staffers.

At NPR, some of Berliner's colleagues have weighed in online against his claim that the network has focused on diversifying its workforce without a concomitant commitment to diversity of viewpoint. Recently retired Chief Executive John Lansing has referred to this pursuit of diversity within NPR's workforce as its " North Star ," a moral imperative and chief business strategy.

In his essay, Berliner tagged the strategy as a failure, citing the drop in NPR's broadcast audiences and its struggle to attract more Black and Latino listeners in particular.

"During most of my tenure here, an open-minded, curious culture prevailed. We were nerdy, but not knee-jerk, activist, or scolding," Berliner writes. "In recent years, however, that has changed."

Berliner writes, "For NPR, which purports to consider all things, it's devastating both for its journalism and its business model."

NPR investigative reporter Chiara Eisner wrote in a comment for this story: "Minorities do not all think the same and do not report the same. Good reporters and editors should know that by now. It's embarrassing to me as a reporter at NPR that a senior editor here missed that point in 2024."

Some colleagues drafted a letter to Maher and NPR's chief news executive, Edith Chapin, seeking greater clarity on NPR's standards for its coverage and the behavior of its journalists — clearly pointed at Berliner.

A plan for "healthy discussion"

On Friday, CEO Maher stood up for the network's mission and the journalism, taking issue with Berliner's critique, though never mentioning him by name. Among her chief issues, she said Berliner's essay offered "a criticism of our people on the basis of who we are."

Berliner took great exception to that, saying she had denigrated him. He said that he supported diversifying NPR's workforce to look more like the U.S. population at large. She did not address that in a subsequent private exchange he shared with me for this story. (An NPR spokesperson declined further comment.)

Late Monday afternoon, Chapin announced to the newsroom that Executive Editor Eva Rodriguez would lead monthly meetings to review coverage.

"Among the questions we'll ask of ourselves each month: Did we capture the diversity of this country — racial, ethnic, religious, economic, political geographic, etc — in all of its complexity and in a way that helped listeners and readers recognize themselves and their communities?" Chapin wrote in the memo. "Did we offer coverage that helped them understand — even if just a bit better — those neighbors with whom they share little in common?"

Berliner said he welcomed the announcement but would withhold judgment until those meetings played out.

In a text for this story, Chapin said such sessions had been discussed since Lansing unified the news and programming divisions under her acting leadership last year.

"Now seemed [the] time to deliver if we were going to do it," Chapin said. "Healthy discussion is something we need more of."

Disclosure: This story was reported and written by NPR Media Correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by Deputy Business Editor Emily Kopp and Managing Editor Gerry Holmes. Under NPR's protocol for reporting on itself, no NPR corporate official or news executive reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.

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Hundreds of Jan. 6 Prosecutions—Including Donald Trump’s—Are Suddenly in Peril at the Supreme Court

Will the Supreme Court jeopardize the prosecution of more than 350 defendants involved with Jan. 6, including Donald Trump, by gutting the federal statute that prohibits their unlawful conduct? Maybe so. Tuesday’s oral arguments in Fischer v. United States were rough sledding for the government, as the conservative justices lined up to thwap Joe Biden’s Department of Justice for allegedly overreaching in its pursuit of Jan. 6 convictions. Six members of the court took turns wringing their hands over the application of a criminal obstruction law to the rioters, fretting that they faced overly harsh penalties for participating in the violent attack. Unmentioned but lurking in the background was Trump himself, who can wriggle out of two major charges against him with a favorable decision in this case.

There are, no doubt, too many criminal laws whose vague wording gives prosecutors near-limitless leeway to threaten citizens with decades in prison. But this isn’t one of them. Congress wrote a perfectly legible law and the overwhelming majority of judges have had no trouble applying it. It would be all too telling if the Supreme Court decides to pretend the statute is somehow too sweeping or jumbled to use as a tool of accountability for Jan. 6.

Start with the obstruction law itself, known as Section 1552(c), which Congress enacted to close loopholes that Enron exploited to impede probes into its misconduct . The provision is remarkably straightforward—a far cry from the ambiguous, sloppy, or muddled laws that typically flummox the judiciary. It’s a mainstay of the Department of Justice’s “Capitol siege” prosecutions, deployed in about a quarter of all cases. Overall, 350 people face charges under this statute, Trump among them , and the DOJ has used it to secure the convictions of about 150 rioters . It targets anyone who “corruptly … obstructs, influences, or impedes any official proceeding, or attempts to do so.” And it clarifies that an official proceeding includes “a proceeding before the Congress.”

The government argues that some rioters attempted to “obstruct” an “official proceeding” by halting the count of electoral votes through “corrupt” means. That includes Joseph Fischer, the defendant in the current case. Fischer, who served as a police officer before Jan. 6, allegedly texted that the protest “might get violent”; that “they should storm the capital and drag all the democrates [sic] into the street and have a mob trial”; and that protesters should “take democratic congress to the gallows,” because they “can’t vote if they can’t breathe..lol.” Video evidence shows Fischer assaulting multiple police officers on the afternoon of Jan. 6 after breaching the Capitol.

Would anyone seriously argue that this person did not attempt to corruptly obstruct an official proceeding? For a time, it seemed not: 14 of the 15 federal judges—all but Judge Carl Nichols in this case—considering the charge in various Jan. 6 cases agreed that it applied to violent rioters bent on stopping the electoral count. So did every judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit except one, Judge Gregory Katsas. Both Nichols and Katsas were appointed by Trump. Their crusade to kneecap the law caught SCOTUS’ attention, and the court decided to intervene despite overwhelming consensus among lower court judges. The Supreme Court’s decision will have major implications for Trump: Two of the four charges brought by special counsel Jack Smith in the former president’s Jan. 6 prosecution revolve around this offense. A ruling that eviscerates the obstruction law would arguably cut out the heart of the indictment.

At least three justices seem ready to do just that. Justice Clarence Thomas—back on the bench after yesterday’s unexplained absence —grilled Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar over the law’s application to Jan. 6. “There have been many violent protests that have interfered with proceedings. Has the government applied this provision to other protests in the past?” Thomas asked, as if to nail the Justice Department for inconsistency and reveal some improper motive for wielding the law against violent insurrectionists. Justice Neil Gorsuch trolled Prelogar by alluding to Democratic Rep. Jamaal Bowman’s infamous fire alarm incident . “Would pulling a fire alarm before a vote qualify for 20 years in federal prison?” he asked. Justice Samuel Alito joined in to ask about “protests in the courtroom” when an audience member interrupts the justices and “delays the proceeding for five minutes.”

“For all the protests that have occurred in this court,” Alito noted pointedly, “the Justice Department has not charged any serious offenses, and I don’t think any one of those protestors has been sentenced to even one day in prison.” Why, he wondered, weren’t they charged under the obstruction statute?

Alito, audibly angry, continued: “Yesterday protestors blocked the Golden Gate Bridge in San Francisco and disrupted traffic in San Francisco,” he told Prelogar. “What if something similar to that happened all around the Capitol so … all the bridges from Virginia were blocked, and members from Virginia who needed to appear at a hearing couldn’t get there or were delayed in getting there? Would that be a violation of this provision?”

To be clear, this is trolling: There is simply no comparison between a violent attack on the Capitol and protests that take the form of civil disobedience. And these justices expressed no similar concern about an ongoing red-state effort to persecute peaceful protesters who participate in Black Lives Matter demonstrations. Gorsuch and Alito’s hypotheticals ignore the reality that there are two layers of protection between minor protests and this rather major law. First, the Constitution affords prosecutorial discretion to the executive branch, allowing the Department of Justice to decide when an illegal “protest” is dangerous enough to warrant the use of a criminal law like the obstruction statute. Second, prosecutors must always prove the alleged offense to a jury, beyond a reasonable doubt, creating a democratic check on the abusive use of a stringent law to punish a silly crime.

Prelogar highlighted this latter point, explaining that juries have indeed acquitted Jan. 6 defendants of obstruction. If prosecutors ever apply this (or any other) criminal statute to a questionable set of facts, they may always be thwarted by a jury. That is how the system is meant to work.

This kind of behavior from Thomas, Gorsuch, and Alito is no surprise at this point. And the liberal justices countered them as best they could. What’s troubling is that the other conservative justices jumped in to join the pile-on. Chief Justice John Roberts insistently pressed Prelogar to prove that the Justice Department has interpreted and enforced the obstruction law consistently in the past. This question ignored the fact that, as Prelogar reminded the court, there has never been any crime like the assault on the Capitol , so the agency had no prior opportunity to apply the law in any similar way.

Justice Brett Kavanaugh suggested that the Justice Department didn’t really need this statute because it has other laws at its disposal. “There are six other counts in the indictment here,” he told Prelogar. Why “aren’t those six counts good enough just from the Justice Department’s perspective given that they don’t have any of the hurdles?” Of course, the DOJ brought the obstruction charge specifically because it was more serious than the others; prosecutors felt an obligation to enforce Congress’ strong protections against intrusions on official proceedings, including those in the Capitol. Kavanaugh appears to think the DOJ should have settled for a smattering of lesser charges. Justice Amy Coney Barrett was not so obtuse; she earnestly worried that the statute was too broad and fished around for narrowing constructions. Yet she seemed unsatisfied with the many options Prelogar provided to keep the law limited to the most egregious interruptions of government business.

What all six justices seemed tempted to do was rip up Section 1552(c) because it happens to include another sentence that applies to the destruction of evidence and other official documents. Jan. 6 rioters didn’t destroy evidence, this argument goes, so they can’t be culpable under a law. That reading is untenable , something Prelogar impressively reinforced at every turn on Tuesday, but it may be attractive if a majority wants to defuse this statute before it’s used against Trump in a court of law.

Smith’s indictment of the former president for his participation in Jan. 6 doesn’t entirely hinge on obstruction. It does, however, weave obstruction into both the facts and the legal theory of the case, placing it at the center of a broader criminal conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election. If SCOTUS defuses the law now, Smith would have to scrap two of four charges and restructure the entire indictment, making it that much easier for Trump to demand further delay and, eventually, evade a conviction.

The justices know this. They should have been on their best behavior on Tuesday to avoid any glimmer of impropriety. It was already profoundly disturbing that Thomas sat on the case given his wife’s involvement with the attempt to overturn the election. The other justices’ faux concern about overcriminalization of protesters only added to the foul smell emanating from arguments. There’s no telling how Fischer will turn out; maybe the liberal justices will help their colleagues rediscover their better angels behind the scenes. From Tuesday’s vantage point, though, the argument was a bleak reminder of how easy it is for cloistered jurists to wish away the massive stakes of a case like this.

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What Sentencing Could Look Like if Trump Is Found Guilty

By Norman L. Eisen

Mr. Eisen is the author of “Trying Trump: A Guide to His First Election Interference Criminal Trial.”

For all the attention to and debate over the unfolding trial of Donald Trump in Manhattan, there has been surprisingly little of it paid to a key element: its possible outcome and, specifically, the prospect that a former and potentially future president could be sentenced to prison time.

The case — brought by Alvin Bragg, the Manhattan district attorney, against Mr. Trump — represents the first time in our nation’s history that a former president is a defendant in a criminal trial. As such, it has generated lots of debate about the case’s legal strength and integrity, as well as its potential impact on Mr. Trump’s efforts to win back the White House.

A review of thousands of cases in New York that charged the same felony suggests something striking: If Mr. Trump is found guilty, incarceration is an actual possibility. It’s not certain, of course, but it is plausible.

Jury selection has begun, and it’s not too soon to talk about what the possibility of a sentence, including a prison sentence, would look like for Mr. Trump, for the election and for the country — including what would happen if he is re-elected.

The case focuses on alleged interference in the 2016 election, which consisted of a hush-money payment Michael Cohen, the former president’s fixer at the time, made in 2016 to a porn star, Stormy Daniels, who said she had an affair with Mr. Trump. Mr. Bragg is arguing that the cover-up cheated voters of the chance to fully assess Mr. Trump’s candidacy.

This may be the first criminal trial of a former president in American history, but if convicted, Mr. Trump’s fate is likely to be determined by the same core factors that guide the sentencing of every criminal defendant in New York State Court.

Comparable cases. The first factor is the base line against which judges measure all sentences: how other defendants have been treated for similar offenses. My research encompassed almost 10,000 cases of felony falsifying business records that have been prosecuted across the state of New York since 2015. Over a similar period, the Manhattan D.A. has charged over 400 of these cases . In roughly the first year of Mr. Bragg’s tenure, his team alone filed 166 felony counts for falsifying business records against 34 people or companies.

Contrary to claims that there will be no sentence of incarceration for falsifying business records, when a felony conviction involves serious misconduct, defendants can be sentenced to some prison time. My analysis of the most recent data indicates that approximately one in 10 cases in which the most serious charge at arraignment is falsifying business records in the first degree and in which the court ultimately imposes a sentence, results in a term of imprisonment.

To be clear, these cases generally differ from Mr. Trump’s case in one important respect: They typically involve additional charges besides just falsifying records. That clearly complicates what we might expect if Mr. Trump is convicted.

Nevertheless, there are many previous cases involving falsifying business records along with other charges where the conduct was less serious than is alleged against Mr. Trump and prison time was imposed. For instance, Richard Luthmann was accused of attempting to deceive voters — in his case, impersonating New York political figures on social media in an attempt to influence campaigns. He pleaded guilty to three counts of falsifying business records in the first degree (as well as to other charges). He received a sentence of incarceration on the felony falsification counts (although the sentence was not solely attributable to the plea).

A defendant in another case was accused of stealing in excess of $50,000 from her employer and, like in this case, falsifying one or more invoices as part of the scheme. She was indicted on a single grand larceny charge and ultimately pleaded guilty to one felony count of business record falsification for a false invoice of just under $10,000. She received 364 days in prison.

To be sure, for a typical first-time offender charged only with run-of-the-mill business record falsification, a prison sentence would be unlikely. On the other hand, Mr. Trump is being prosecuted for 34 counts of conduct that might have changed the course of American history.

Seriousness of the crime. Mr. Bragg alleges that Mr. Trump concealed critical information from voters (paying hush money to suppress an extramarital relationship) that could have harmed his campaign, particularly if it came to light after the revelation of another scandal — the “Access Hollywood” tape . If proved, that could be seen not just as unfortunate personal judgment but also, as Justice Juan Merchan has described it, an attempt “to unlawfully influence the 2016 presidential election.”

History and character. To date, Mr. Trump has been unrepentant about the events alleged in this case. There is every reason to believe that will not change even if he is convicted, and lack of remorse is a negative at sentencing. Justice Merchan’s evaluation of Mr. Trump’s history and character may also be informed by the other judgments against him, including Justice Arthur Engoron’s ruling that Mr. Trump engaged in repeated and persistent business fraud, a jury finding that he sexually abused and defamed E. Jean Carroll and a related defamation verdict by a second jury.

Justice Merchan may also weigh the fact that Mr. Trump has been repeatedly held in contempt , warned , fined and gagged by state and federal judges. That includes for statements he made that exposed witnesses, individuals in the judicial system and their families to danger. More recently, Mr. Trump made personal attacks on Justice Merchan’s daughter, resulting in an extension of the gag order in the case. He now stands accused of violating it again by commenting on witnesses.

What this all suggests is that a term of imprisonment for Mr. Trump, while far from certain for a former president, is not off the table. If he receives a sentence of incarceration, perhaps the likeliest term is six months, although he could face up to four years, particularly if Mr. Trump chooses to testify, as he said he intends to do , and the judge believes he lied on the stand . Probation is also available, as are more flexible approaches like a sentence of spending every weekend in jail for a year.

We will probably know what the judge will do within 30 to 60 days of the end of the trial, which could run into mid-June. If there is a conviction, that would mean a late summer or early fall sentencing.

Justice Merchan would have to wrestle in the middle of an election year with the potential impact of sentencing a former president and current candidate.

If Mr. Trump is sentenced to a period of incarceration, the reaction of the American public will probably be as polarized as our divided electorate itself. Yet as some polls suggest — with the caveat that we should always be cautious of polls early in the race posing hypothetical questions — many key swing state voters said they would not vote for a felon.

If Mr. Trump is convicted and then loses the presidential election, he will probably be granted bail, pending an appeal, which will take about a year. That means if any appeals are unsuccessful, he will most likely have to serve any sentence starting sometime next year. He will be sequestered with his Secret Service protection; if it is less than a year, probably in Rikers Island. His protective detail will probably be his main company, since Mr. Trump will surely be isolated from other inmates for his safety.

If Mr. Trump wins the presidential election, he can’t pardon himself because it is a state case. He will be likely to order the Justice Department to challenge his sentence, and department opinions have concluded that a sitting president could not be imprisoned, since that would prevent the president from fulfilling the constitutional duties of the office. The courts have never had to address the question, but they could well agree with the Justice Department.

So if Mr. Trump is convicted and sentenced to a period of incarceration, its ultimate significance is probably this: When the American people go to the polls in November, they will be voting on whether Mr. Trump should be held accountable for his original election interference.

What questions do you have about Trump’s Manhattan criminal trial so far?

Please submit them below. Our trial experts will respond to a selection of readers in a future piece.

Norman L. Eisen investigated the 2016 voter deception allegations as counsel for the first impeachment and trial of Donald Trump and is the author of “Trying Trump: A Guide to His First Election Interference Criminal Trial.”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

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