unity in diversity essay in nepali language

Nepal - Unity and Diversity

Sanjog pandey

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Exploring Cultural Diversity and Ethnicity in Nepalese Society

Article 12 Feb 2023 3696 1

Nepal is a small country located in South Asia, known for its stunning mountain ranges and diverse cultures. The country is home to over 125 ethnic groups, each with its own unique cultural practices and traditions. This rich cultural diversity has become a defining characteristic of Nepalese society and has played a significant role in shaping its culture, politics, and economy.

Role of Ethnicity in Nepalese Society

Ethnicity plays a crucial role in Nepalese society and has a significant impact on its culture, politics, and economy. With over 125 ethnic groups, each with their own unique cultural practices and traditions, ethnicity serves as a defining characteristic of Nepal and helps to shape its identity.

The diversity of ethnic groups in Nepal has resulted in a rich tapestry of culture and tradition. For example, the Newar community in Kathmandu is known for preserving their traditional Newari culture, despite facing challenges from modernization and globalization. Similarly, the Sherpa community in the mountainous regions is famous for their expertise in mountaineering and their unique cultural practices.

Ethnicity also plays a role in politics in Nepal, as different ethnic groups may have varying political ideologies and interests. This has resulted in ethnic-based political parties and movements, with some ethnic groups advocating for greater representation and equal treatment in society.

Furthermore, ethnicity affects the economy in Nepal, as different ethnic groups may engage in different industries and have different levels of economic prosperity. For instance, some ethnic groups, such as the Tamang, may be heavily involved in the tourism industry, while others, such as the Tharu, may be involved in agriculture.

Importance of Cultural Diversity Preservation in Nepal

The preservation of cultural diversity is essential for the continued success of Nepalese society. It helps to promote cultural heritage and provides a sense of identity for the people of Nepal. Cultural diversity also promotes tolerance and understanding between different ethnic groups, helping to prevent conflict and promoting peace.

Good practices in cultural preservation can also have economic benefits. For example, the Newar community in Kathmandu is known for preserving their traditional Newari culture, despite facing challenges from modernization and globalization. This preservation of cultural heritage has helped to attract tourists to the area, providing economic benefits for the community.

Cultural diversity is not just a matter of pride for a country, but it also has tangible benefits for its society, economy, and politics. In Nepal, preserving cultural diversity has been recognized as a priority by the government, as evidenced by the National Policy on Culture passed in 2010. This policy aims to promote and protect the country's rich cultural heritage and diversity, which has the potential to contribute up to 10% of the country's GDP through cultural tourism, according to a study by the Nepalese Ministry of Culture, Tourism, and Civil Aviation.

Moreover, cultural diversity brings different perspectives and ideas to the table, which can lead to innovation and progress in various fields. For example, the traditional knowledge and practices of different ethnic groups in Nepal have the potential to contribute to sustainable development and environmental conservation.

In addition, cultural diversity is essential for social cohesion and the promotion of mutual understanding and respect between different ethnic groups. It helps to promote a sense of belonging and can prevent ethnic conflict and division.

Challenges Faced by the Nepalese Government in Promoting Cultural Diversity and Preventing Ethnic Conflict

Challenges faced by the Nepalese government in promoting cultural diversity and preventing ethnic conflict are numerous. While the government recognizes the importance of preserving cultural diversity, it faces several obstacles in doing so. Some of the challenges faced by the Nepalese government include:

Lack of Resources: Despite the recognition of cultural diversity as a vital aspect of Nepalese society, the government faces a lack of resources, both financial and personnel, in promoting and preserving cultural diversity.
Resistance to Change: Some traditional and conservative members of society may resist changes aimed at promoting cultural diversity and may view these changes as a threat to their cultural heritage.
Political Instability: Nepal has faced political instability and conflict for many years, making it challenging for the government to effectively address cultural diversity issues.
Discrimination and Prejudice: Despite being home to numerous ethnic groups, discrimination and prejudice still exists in Nepalese society. The government faces the challenge of addressing these issues and promoting equality for all ethnic groups.
Education and Awareness: The Nepalese government also faces the challenge of educating the public about the importance of cultural diversity and promoting understanding and respect for different cultures.

To overcome these challenges, the Nepalese government has implemented various policies and programs aimed at promoting cultural diversity and preventing ethnic conflict. These include the National Policy on Culture, which recognizes the importance of cultural diversity and promotes its preservation, and the establishment of cultural centers and museums across the country. Additionally, the government has launched education and awareness campaigns to educate the public about cultural diversity and promote understanding and respect for different cultures.

Success Stories and Examples of Cultural Diversity Preservation in Nepal

Despite the challenges faced by the Nepalese government in preserving cultural diversity, there have been some successful efforts and initiatives aimed at promoting cultural heritage and preventing the loss of traditional practices and customs.

One such example is the Newar community in Kathmandu. Despite facing challenges from modernization and globalization, the Newari culture remains strong and vibrant, with traditional Newari festivals, food, and architecture still widely celebrated and preserved.

Another example is the National Policy on Culture, passed by the Nepalese government in 2010, which recognizes the importance of cultural diversity and lays out plans for its preservation. This policy aims to protect and promote the country's rich cultural heritage, including its diverse languages, traditional practices, and art forms.

The Nepalese Ministry of Culture, Tourism, and Civil Aviation has also implemented several programs to promote cultural tourism, with a study by the Ministry indicating that cultural tourism has the potential to contribute up to 10% of the country's GDP.

In conclusion, while there are challenges to preserving cultural diversity in Nepal, there have been successful efforts to promote and protect the country's rich cultural heritage. As Bhanubhakta Acharya once said, "Unity in diversity is the strength of Nepali society," and preserving cultural diversity is essential for maintaining the strength and richness of Nepalese society.

Future of Cultural Diversity in Nepal

As the famous Nepalese poet Bhanubhakta Acharya once said, "Unity in diversity is the strength of Nepali society." The rich cultural diversity of Nepal is a defining characteristic of the country and plays a significant role in shaping its culture, politics, and economy. While there are challenges in preserving cultural diversity, the future looks promising as the Nepalese government and various communities work towards promoting and protecting their unique cultural heritage.

The future of cultural diversity in Nepal depends on a number of factors, including government policies, economic development, and social awareness. On the one hand, globalization and modern technology have made it easier for people to access new ideas and experiences, which can lead to the dilution of cultural practices and traditions. On the other hand, the growing recognition of the importance of cultural diversity has led to increased efforts to preserve traditional customs and values.

The Nepalese government has taken a number of steps to promote cultural diversity and prevent ethnic conflict. For example, in 2010, the government passed the National Policy on Culture, which recognizes the importance of cultural diversity and promotes its preservation. The government has also established cultural heritage sites and museums, and provided funding for cultural preservation projects.

However, the Nepalese government faces several challenges in preserving cultural diversity, including limited resources and limited public awareness of the importance of cultural preservation. In addition, ethnic conflict and political instability can also pose a threat to cultural diversity.

Despite these challenges, there is reason for hope. Many communities in Nepal are making an effort to preserve their cultural heritage, and there are a number of successful examples of cultural preservation efforts. For example, the Newar community in Kathmandu is known for preserving their traditional Newari culture, despite facing challenges from modernization and globalization.

Moreover, cultural tourism has the potential to play a significant role in promoting cultural diversity in Nepal. According to a study by the Nepalese Ministry of Culture, tourism, and civil aviation, cultural tourism has the potential to contribute up to 10% of the country's GDP. This suggests that there is a strong economic incentive for the government to promote cultural diversity and preserve cultural heritage sites.

In conclusion, the cultural diversity and ethnicity of Nepalese society play a significant role in shaping the country's culture, politics, and economy. The importance of preserving cultural diversity cannot be overstated, as it allows for the continuation of unique cultural practices and traditions, and has the potential to contribute significantly to the country's economy. The Nepalese government and various communities are working towards promoting and protecting cultural diversity, ensuring a bright future for the cultural heritage of Nepal.

By: fedada || Posted On: 2023-06-07 00:20:46

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Unity in diversity.

Alin Lamichhane

Unity in diversity is magic. The greater the diversity, the greater the perfection,” once said Thomas Berry, an American cultural historian. I too believe that for us, unity can lead to mutual cooperation and harmony among all kinds of people.

There is great strength and power in unity. Nepal is a diverse country, with more than 125 ethnic groups speaking more than 100 languages. But we have unity.

Nepal was once scattered into several tiny states. There were 24 states in the Gandaki region and 22 states in the Karnali region. But due to the efforts of Prithvi Narayan Shah, these scattered states were unified into one and we got a new country.

Similarly, the second People’s Movement removed monarchy from the country. In this movement, people from all castes, religions and classes were involved. We all came together for a single purpose.

Along with these advantages, there are disadvantages too. One such example is federalism. Nepal currently is a federal country. But there is also a fear that federalism could lead to more crisis and conflict. The experiences of many African countries like Nigeria, Sudan and Ethiopia show that if there is no unity among diverse cultures, there could be conflict.

In order to promote unity in diversity, we should consider a number of steps. First, there needs to be proportionate development. Second, we should respect the will, aspirations and needs of the people. Third, we should identify genuine problems, ascertain their root causes and address them appropriately. Fourth, we should make people aware of the importance of each other’s social, cultural and religious heritages. And finally, we should recognise the fact that each culture, religion, language and ethnic group is equally important.

Every ethnic group should have equal rights to discuss the welfare of the country. They should not be discriminated against in any aspect. Every group should come together to promote unity among different people. We should remember that people can be united with feelings of love, care, humanity and affection, so that welfare, satisfaction and happiness will be shared among all.

Lamichhane is a grade nine student at East Pole Higher Secondary School

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Diversity, Multilingualism and Democratic Practices in Nepal

This paper presents the relationship among Nepal’s linguistic diversity, multilingualism, and democratic practices by bringing into ideas from the global north and global south. The guiding question for exploring this relationship is, “why is Nepal’s linguistic diversity being squeezed despite the formulation of democratic and inclusive language policies that intended to promote multilingualism?”. To investigate this concern, qualitative data were obtained from semi-structured interviews with two purposively selected high-profile people working in the capacity of language policymaking in the state agencies. In Nepal, although democracy promoted awareness towards the issue of language rights and the need of preservation and promotion of minority languages, the narrowing of multilingual diversity continued in practice. This study concluded that democracy allowed neoliberal ideologies to penetrate sociolinguistic spaces and put greater emphasis on English and Nepali. While there is an intertwined relationship between linguistic diversity, democracy, and multilingualism, the ongoing democratic practices have become counterproductive in maintaining the linguistic diversity leading to the marginalization of minority and lesser-known languages. Also, despite ample literature documenting linguistic diversity as a resource and opportunity, the notions of ‘linguistic diversity’ and ‘multilingualism’ were utilized merely as political agendas and issues of critical discourses which have left negligible impact on changing the conventionalized practices of linguistic domination of Nepali and English. Therefore, we question the co-existence of diversity and democracy and claim that democracy alone does not necessarily contribute to the protection of linguistic diversity. In line with this concept, democratic practices could even be counterproductive in the promotion and protection of linguistic diversity. Our findings suggest future interventions about essentializing the use of minority languages in education and governance, alongside democracy providing the fertile grounds for policy pitches to address micro problems in maintaining multilingualism within a democracy.

Introduction

Nepal is a multilingual, multicultural, multiracial, and multi-religious country (Constitution of Nepal 2007 ; 2015 ) situated in the Greater Himalayan Region, the mega center of biodiversity, and home to more than one-sixth of world languages ( Turin 2007 ). The tremendous linguistic diversity, with four major language families namely Indo-Aryan, Tibeto-Burman, Dravidian (Munda), and Austro-Asiatic and one language isolate i.e., Kusunda, is one of the aspects of its national identity. The National Population and Housing Census (Central Bureau of Statistics [ cbs ] 2012 ) records more than 123 languages spoken as mother tongues, with an additional category of “other unknown languages” – with close to half million speakers while as many as 129 languages have also been recorded recently ( Language Commission 2019 ). Despite this huge linguistic and cultural diversity, it has been found that the speakers of traditionally unwritten and increasingly endangered vernacular languages have been shifting towards the regional, national and even international languages that carry relatively better economic benefits, access to education, trade, and participation in mainstream politics. This is understood as an impact of the forces of neoliberal ideologies ( Sharma and Phyak 2017 ). The instance of adoption of Nepali and English as media for education, business, and communication is also reported among ethnic communities instead of using the local languages, especially in urban contexts such as the Kathmandu Valley ( Gautam 2020a ). This trend has contributed to the weakening of the functional status and strength of many ethnic/indigenous languages, igniting several movements initiated by indigenous communities. At the same time, there are mounting challenges for the preservation and promotion of those languages due to both policy and practice lapses at micro levels ( Poudel and Choi 2020 ). Though there are several instances of attempts by national governments and related communities for the promotion and preservation of these languages, these efforts have been found to be inconsistent across history. In that, at various times, some governments have promoted monolingual policies whereas, at other times, some other governments have adopted multilingual policies.

Amidst these attempts, both monolingual and multilingual ideologies emerged to the forefront of the debate concerning whether and how to preserve languages, and how they are negotiated in everyday life as well ( Gynne, Bagga-Gupta and Lainio 2016 ). These ideologies emerged as agendas of political discourse perhaps due to the political parties’ attempts to please as well as empower the communities that have their indigenous and ethnolinguistic identities for political reasons. In this paper, we have explored such issues that have emerged around the values of diversity, democracy, and multilingualism while shaping policymaking processes. In doing so, we assess recent trends on linguistic diversity relating to Nepal’s democratic practices with special reference to its historical dimension drawing on instances from the changing status of languages and diversity, and the linguistic practices therein. We also present our critical evaluation of the current policy based on the analysis of legal and policy documents, and practices based on the analysis of interview data.

Supported by our in-depth exploration of the policies and practices, a study of the relevant literature from the countries in the global south, in-depth interviews with participants, we have identified several issues within the democratic polity that have impacted Nepal’s linguistic diversity in various ways. Finally, some implications have been drawn for future planning directions to enrich and maintain multilingualism within the democratic system in Nepal.

Diversity and Language Vitality in Nepal

Diversity emerges and exists when people from different identity orientations such as races, nationalities, ethnicities, religions, or even philosophies come together to form a community that recognizes and celebrates the values of all backgrounds (also, see Bagga-Gupta and Messina Dahlberg 2018 ). As stated earlier, linguistic, cultural, and ethnic diversity are the essences of Nepalese society, and such diversity characteristics have been existing since the early history of Nepal. All these diversities make up Nepal’s collective multilingual and multicultural identity. The domains of geographical, linguistic, and cultural diversities hold a mutually reinforcing connection among the people in constituting Nepal’s collective identity. Comprising an area of 147,516 square kilometers, 1 with a length of 885 kilometers from east to west and a breadth of 193 kilometers from north to south, Nepal embraces the demographic, cultural and linguistic diversities influenced by people-to-people connection with India on the south and China on the north. Along the three ecological zones, 2 a total of 125 officially recognized ethnic and caste groups reside ( Yadava 2014 ), making this country ethnically and socio-culturally diverse, not only geographically, but also with varied demographic characteristics of the people.

Similarly, Nepal is a “home of 5,400 plus species of higher plants and more than 850 species of birds measuring about 2.2% and 9.4% of the world’s level of biodiversity per unit area matched by a similar rate of linguistic and cultural variation” ( Turin 2007 , 14). This biodiversity, which also links with the social and cultural systems of the communities, contributes to the enrichment of relevant cultural patterns, and enriches the country’s linguistic repertoire. All these species exist through the network of interrelationships in an ecosystem, which also matters for language preservation ( Crystal 2000 ). The diversity of cultural patterns and values also highlight the role of language within. For instance, Crystal (2000, 34) argues that “If the development of multiple cultures is so important then the role of languages becomes critical, for cultures are chiefly transmitted through spoken and written languages”. Although the cultural aspect of diversity is beyond the focus of this paper, it is sensible enough to note that there is an explicit link between language and culture for the very survival of the both, and the ethnic and cultural identity emerge therein. Embracing situated diversity in the national systems is important for Nepal as we see the very identity of this country lies in the same premises. For this, policy provisions in celebrating, preserving, and accommodating diversity and multilingualism have been well articulated in the macro national policies that came out in recent decades ( The Constitution of Nepal 2015 ; National Planning Commission 2013 ). The brief historical account hereafter exemplifies and elaborates on the evolutionary development of such policies in Nepal.

Diversity and Multilingualism in Nepal: A Glimpse of Language Policy

Despite being multicultural and multilingual, Nepal preserved ‘ethnic’, instead of ‘civic’, nationalism in its task of nation-building which has been reflected in various policies from unification movement (1736 ad ) to present time. Following the Gorkha conquest 3 Gorkhali or Khas (now known as Nepali spoken by 44.6% of national population- cbs 2012 ), the language of ruling elites and mother tongue of many people in the Hills, was uplifted as the national official language. After unification, a hegemonic policy in terms of language and culture was formulated which promoted the code (linguistic and dress) of the Hill Brahmins, Chhetries and Thakuris to the ideal national code (i.e., ‘Nepali’ as the national language and ‘Daura Suruwal Topi’ 4 as national dress). This has been interpreted as one of the attempts to promote assimilatory national policy (in terms of language and culture) that contributed to curbing both linguistic and cultural diversity. However, for the rulers then, it was an attempt to establish stronger national identity and integrity. The Rana regime 5 further prolonged this nationalist (i.e., ‘one nation-one language’) policy by uplifting the Nepali language in education and public communication (as the language of wider communication within the territory of Nepal). The Rana, during their rule, suppressed the Newar and Hindi language movements, which served as evidence of their deliberate plan to eliminate all but one language, viz. Nepali. In this sense, we can understand that Nepal’s diversity and multilingual identity were suppressed historically in the name of nation-building and promoting national integration among people with diverse ethnic and cultural orientations.

Following the end of Rana oligarchy in 1950, with the establishment of democracy, some changes were noticed concerning the recognition and mainstreaming of the other ethnic/indigenous languages. This instigated policy changes in terms of language use in education as well. However, the status quo of the Nepali language further strengthened as it was made the prominent language of governance and education. The National Education Planning Commission [ nnepc ] (1956), the first national report on education, basically reflected the ideology of monolingualism with the influence of Hugh. B. Wood (one of the prominent scholars and educationists from the US who worked in India was invited by the Government of Nepal to advise the education policy and planning process). The nnepc recommended the following concerning language stating, “If the younger generation is taught to use Nepali as the basic language then other languages will gradually disappear, the greater the national strength and unity” (Ministry of Education [ moe ] 1956 , 97). Although this report formed the backbone of Nepal’s education system, it also paved the way for minimizing the potential for empowering the languages of the nation. Pradhan (2019, 169) also writes that this commission attempted to “coalesce the ideas of Nepali nationalism around the triumvirate of Nepali language, monarchy and Hindu religion as uniquely Nepali”. The same was reinforced by the K. I. Singh government in 1957 by prescribing Nepali as a medium of instruction in school education.

The Panchayat regime 6 also promoted the use of Nepali as the only language of administration, education, and media in compliance with the Panchayat slogan ‘one language, one dress, one country’ ( eutaa bhasha, eutaa bhesh, eutaa desh ), again providing a favor for the strengthening of the monolingual nationalistic ideology (in other words, the assimilatory policy). Such an ideology can be seen in the report of the All-Round National Education Commission (1961) as well. Not only in education but also in governance, English, or Nepali were made mandatory in recording all documents of companies through the Company Act (1964). Following the Panchayat system, with the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Constitution of Nepal ( 1991 , part 1, article 6.1 and 6.2) provisioned the Nepali language written in Devnagari 7 script as the national language, while also recognizing all the mother tongues as the languages of the nation with their official eligibility as a medium of instruction up to primary education. 8 Similarly, the Interim Constitution of Nepal (2007) , which came as a collective outcome of the Maoist insurgency 9 and Andolan ii (Public movement - ii ) continued to strengthen the Nepali language but ensured (in its part 1, article 5[2]) that each community has the right to get education in their mother tongue and the right to preserve and promote their languages, script, and culture as well.

The recognition of all the mother tongues as the languages of the nation was a progressive step ahead provisioned by the Interim Constitution of Nepal (2007) . Apart from further confirming the right of each community residing in Nepal to preserve and promote its language, script, cultural civility, and heritage, this constitution (Part 3, Article 17) enshrined the right to each community to obtain basic education in their mother tongue as provided for in the law. The same was well-articulated in the Constitution of Nepal (2015) as well, and each state was given the authority to provide one or many languages spoken by the majority population as the official language(s). Along with this provision, the Language Commission was established to study and recommend other matters relating to language (part 1, article 7 of the constitution). However, it can be concluded that these policy provisions that embrace diversity will have less effect if the concerned communities or agencies do not translate them into practice.

This small-scale case study is based on both primary and secondary data sets. The primary data were collected from semi-structured interviews with two purposively selected participants who we identified through our professional networks. The secondary data were obtained from detailed reading of available literature about language policy and planning such as legislative documents, policy papers, and research papers. The two interviewees, Mr Anjan and Mr Akela (pseudonyms used) have extensive work experience in the field of education, governance, constitution-making, and advocacy for language preservation and promotion in Nepal. Anjan and Akela emerge from two different backgrounds. Anjan worked at the Ministry of Education for more than 25 years, studied about multilingual education from a university in Europe as a part of his higher education. While at the ministry, he worked in the capacity of director at central offices such as the Office of the Controller of Examination, Department of Education, Curriculum Development Center, and served in the most influencing decision-making positions in the areas of language and education policy planning in Nepal. On the other hand, Akela worked as a politician and journalist, teacher educator who later joined Radio Nepal, engaged in various cultural advocacy forums of the Communist Party of Nepal, and again moved to politics at the later part of his life. He was an elected member of the parliament in the Constituent Assembly. While Anjan is the native speaker of Nepali, Akela is a native speaker of Bhojpuri and learned Nepali as a second language among other languages such as Hindi, Maithili, English, etc. In that, both individuals are still active in language politics, policy, and planning, however, they are from different socio-cultural, linguistic, and geopolitical backgrounds. We claim that their ideas have made our understanding of linguistic diversity and democracy more enriched and reliable since both have experienced the major political transitions in Nepal and were involved in key policymaking positions. Also, both have been actively engaged in the language policy processes and advocacy. Therefore, our trust in the data obtained from the interviews with them lies in their history, professional background, and engagement.

They were interviewed online, using the Zoom interactive videoconferencing platform. The semi-structured interviews lasted for approximately one hour each. The questions asked were primarily related to the overarching concern “Why is Nepal’s linguistic diversity being squeezed despite the formulation of democratic and inclusive language policies that intended to promote multilingualism? However, several new concerns (e.g., ultranationalism, pragmatic gaps in policy implementation) emerged during the interviews (cf. the findings and discussion below). The interviews were video recorded, they were transcribed verbatim, and the relevant extracts were translated into English (by the authors) and were double-checked for accuracy and reliability. We have analyzed the data without being stuck to any specific theory, but rather with inductively generated themes ( Miles, Huberman, and Saldana 2014 ), and have positioned ourselves on the critical perspectives that challenge the historical and structural practices contributing to the understanding of inequalities and marginalization of the ethnic/indigenous languages. In other words, we looked at the data in reference to our major concern that questions the co-existence of democracy and linguistic diversity in multilingual contexts. We examined the relationship between historically shifting democratic practices and the situated linguistic diversity of Nepal, questioning whether democracy promotes diversity or subdues it. The empirical data have been integrated with the policy information, which facilitated us to generate relevant themes that relate to the focus of the study. Hence, the trichotomy of diversity, democracy, and multilingualism constitutes the backbone of the analytical framework in this paper.

We have taken our positions on the critical theories that challenge the historical and structural practices contributing to the understanding of inequalities and marginalization of the languages. Such practices have been promoted by democracies of various types (usually in the global North and the South) instead of facilitating the promotion of linguistic diversities. Hence the discussion moves around the trichotomy of diversity, democracy, and multilingualism as an analytical framework.

Findings and Discussion

This section presents the findings of the data organized around inductively generated themes presented in subthemes that deal with historicity of language policy, democracy and its impact on diversity, conceptualization of linguistic diversity (e.g., diversity as resources vs diversity as problem), community engagement in promotion and protection of languages, instances of language contact, and impact of global North ideologies on the language policy and practice processes of global South. The findings are also discussed integrating empirical data and the available literature as appropriate.

‘One Nation’ Ideology and Linguistic Diversity

Historically, even before the unification of Nepal, there were several principalities in which the Kings used to speak their languages, and the linguistic diversity was preserved and strengthened”. In a follow-up response to the same query, he claimed, “The geopolitical, historical, socio-political and anthropological history recognized the multilingual social dynamics, however, the national policies after the unification could not embrace such diversity”.

He relates his claim with the inability to embrace diversity as expected within the current political systems and the ideologies of Nepali nationalism and adds that practices of promoting only Nepali language constitute instances of growing ultranationalism. Ultra-nationalism refers to the ideology and the practice of promoting the interest of one state or people in the name of extreme nationalism, with very little or no attention to consolidating democratic institutions ( Irvine 1997 ). Akela emphasizes that the government’s plurilingual policies will not operate as the practice has largely shaped people’s orientation towards Nepali and English, sidelining the regional and local languages. Anjan also expressed a similar perception as, “Though deliberate efforts are made in the policy level to promote the regional/local languages through status planning, there still lies the attitudinal problem which undermines the potential of bringing local languages into practice. Their claims echo discontents expressed by the Language Commission (2019) in its report regarding the failure in translating the national policies that value minority languages into practice, including language use for official as well as educational purposes.

Diversity and Democracy

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) asserts that democracy assures the basic human right for self-determination and full participation of people in various aspects of their living such as decision-making concerning their language and culture. It also provides them with ways of assuring social benefits such as equal opportunities and social justice (Pillar, 2016). In Nepal, diversity was promoted by democracy through policy provisions, especially after the promulgation of the Constitution of Nepal in 1990 following the Nepali-only monolingual policy of the absolute monarchy (alternatively the Panchayat regime). The basic rights for the use of indigenous languages were assured in the constitution as well as other educational acts formed as outcomes of democratic political turns. The changes in the policy provisions provided opportunities for linguists, language rights activists, and advocacy groups/individuals to explore more about their languages and cultures. Due to their attempts, also supported by the democratic political system, new languages (e.g., Santhali, Bote, Dhimal, etc.) were identified and recognized. For instance, a total of 31 languages were recorded by the National Census in 1991, whereas after the establishment of democracy, the successive censuses in 2001 and 2011 identified a total of 92 and 123 languages respectively ( Yadava 2014 ). Accordingly, to streamline the mother tongue education, as a form of campaign for preservation and promotion of the languages, teaching and learning materials (for up to grade 3) were prepared in more than 22 languages by cdc . However, pragmatic actions remained fragile for mother tongue education up to grade 3 to support the aspiration for promoting diversity. The ineffective implementation (or perhaps a failure) of the state policies to run mother tongue education up to primary level ultimately resulted in constraining multilingualism instead of promoting it. Although the statistical data shows that the number of languages spoken as mother tongues in Nepal is 129 ( Language Commission 2019 ), some scholars still doubt whether these languages functionally exist in reality ( Gautam 2019 ), or if they are there, then the practice may be fragile. This fragile practice in the field can be noted to be influenced by a multitude of factors including lack of community participation, hegemonic attitude of people with power of the dominant languages (e.g., Nepali, Maithili, etc.), and their agency against the minority languages.

Nepal’s participation in the UN organizations and endorsement of most of its declarations compelled Nepal Government to form its domestic policies in line with the commitments made in the international communities to ensure the fundamental concerns of democracy, and that further contributed to creating pressure for right-based policies in Nepal.

Anjan echoed a similar belief saying, “ The recognition of linguistic diversity in the macro policies is the result of democracy” . From the observation of their claims and, also with support from the available literature (e.g., Sonntag 1995 , 2007 ; Pradhan 2019 ; Poudel and Choi 2020 ), it can be strongly claimed that the establishment of multiparty democracy in 1990 in Nepal contributed to the wider recognition of linguistic diversity. Also, “The Nepali-only policy was discarded in favor of an official language policy that recognized Nepal’s linguistic diversity” ( Sonntag 2007 , 205). This informs that the democratic political system that remained open to the neoliberal economy embraced the linguistic diversity as a resource, due to which the multilingual identity of Nepalese society was officially recognized. However, at the same time, this political system could not preserve the minority/indigenous languages as expected, which prompted us to question the co-existence of diversity and democracy. Also, “It is very much a matter of democracy that everyone has the right to language and that society has a common language that everyone can understand and use” (Rosén and Bagga-Gupta 2015, 59). This implies that democratic states (e.g., Nepal, India, Sweden) must address the contradictory discourses of language rights and equity concerns pertaining to language(s) (e.g., Nepali and other indigenous languages). However, the fundamental question still not well-answered, at least in the case of Nepal, is whether democracy can, in a real sense, promote linguistic diversity, or if it narrows down diversity by marginalizing ethnic/minority languages. While responding to this unanswered concern, we have observed that diversity as a resource and diversity as a problem are the two distinct discourses that emerged during the evolutionary process of democracy in Nepal, which was also emphasized by the two participants. Their arguments (see elaboration in 5.3 and 5.4 below) revealed that the two mutually exclusive concerns (diversity as resource vs diversity as problem) parallelly existed in Nepal’s language policy and planning discourse, and they have formed the core of the debate.

Diversity as a Resource

Both informants in this study argued that diversity must be absolutely understood as a resource, very significant for human beings at the global level. Akela claims, If any language of a community dies, the culture and lifestyle of that community disappears, reduces biodiversity, and that ultimately will be a threat to humanity . He understands linguistic diversity as a part of the ecology, and strongly argues that it should be protected. Agnihotri (2017, 185) also echoes a similar belief as Just as biodiversity enriches the life of a forest, linguistic diversity enhances the intellectual well-being of individuals and groups, both small and large . Akela adds, No language should die for our existence as well . Both Akela and Anjan pointed out that the discourse on diversity and multilingualism in Nepal has been strengthened and institutionalized after 1990 when the country entered a multiparty democratic system.

However, Akela thinks that the current legislative provisions have only partially addressed the diversity needs to fit Nepal’s super diverse context. He also points to the influence of the global North in bringing ultranationalist values in Nepal’s policymaking. He does not think that the identity issues raised and addressed through policy processes would make significant differences as they were just brought into the field as agendas of political bargains. He stated, The agendas of identity are just the forked tongues’, translated from [pahichanko sabal ta dekhaune daant matra ho] . He meant that the identity issues have been largely used by the political leaders to deceive the concerned communities for their political benefits. This perception of a political leader, who is also an activist and scholar from the concerned ethnic community is very much meaningful for this study, as it indicates that Nepal’s democratic path initiated a comprehensive discourse for the protection of diversity. However, such discourse has been mostly used for political goals, rather than changing the grass-root practice and engagement of the concerned communities to bring indigenous knowledge and skills into the education systems. However, it has been well-agreed that multilingualism, and variability are constitutive of human existence. We usually engage in the dynamic dialogic interaction to construct our identity within the diversity we have ( Agnihotri 2017 ). Agnihotri (ibid) thinks that the potentiality for multilingualism is innately programmed in human beings, so that linguistic and cultural harmony in our communities can be developed, for which the democratic political system facilitates.

Diversity as a Problem

There is a strong motivation of people towards educating their children in Nepali and English, however they stick to their ethnic languages for communicative purposes. And when there comes the issue of language of the provincial or regional communication, there is a conflict between two of the major regional languages (i.e., Maithili and Bhojpuri).

He sees that such conflicts are due to ideological divides among people themselves. It can, therefore, be observed that this community-level ideology and practice has led to the fragmentation of values associated with their languages, most probably harming the socio-historical harmony among languages.

Nettle (2000, 335) claimed, “Linguistic and ethnic fragmentation relates to low levels of economic development since it is associated with societal divisions and conflict, low mobility, limited trade, imperfect markets, and poor communications in general”. The low levels of societal values and economic development linked with the indigenous languages might have led to intergenerational shifts among the youths of these communities ( Gautam 2019 ). Consequently, this trend has impacted the participation of the relevant communities in campaigns for revitalization of their languages. In addition to this, on the educational dimension of language use, the “schools are often not always aware of the linguistic and cultural wealth they own and could reveal as an important part of their school identities” ( Finkbeiner 2011 , 86). Despite the availability of rich multilingual diversity, the rapid expansion of English medium instruction, irrespective of the local as well as national language, in private and public schools in Nepal is a lively example of how the mother tongues are undervalued. This trend has indirectly contributed to the devaluation of the potential of indigenous language use in education systems in multilingual communities globally.

The Role of Community Participation in Language Preservation and Promotion

In principle, the participatory democracy and the consequential reconciliation often appear to be the only suitable approach ( Agnihotri 2017 ), but in reality, the community participation in the promotion and protection of the indigenous languages is negligible if we take the case of multilingual countries such as Nepal and India. With the utilization of democratic ideals, some communities (e.g., Tamang, Newar, Maithili, Rajbansi, etc.) have made several initiatives but largely in many communities the motivation towards educating their children in their ethnic/indigenous languages is negligible, especially conditioned by the local level policymakers’ inaction (see, Poudel and Choi 2020 ), and their demotivation are influenced by the pedagogical and ideological debates around the discourses on empowering local languages ( Poudel 2019 ). This practice has served the interest of the elites who, with influences from various sectors, would like to homogenize the societies linguistically and culturally, which creates inequalities of various types.

A sense of ownership in the community about keeping their language(s) lively is very significant for the preservation and promotion of both the language and culture. For instance, in Nepal, some languages (e.g., Kusunda, Raute) are endangered as the number of native speakers is declining, and there is a lack of community participation in preserving them. Akala says, “ Unless the community owns it, initiates it, no outsider can feel the language as the native-speakers do. The emic feeling is far stronger than the etic one ”. However, he believes that the cause for diminishing participation of the community in language preservation initiatives is due to the structural constraints that shape people’s mindset towards the preference of either Nepali or English. Rosén and Bagga-Gupta (2013, 70) stated that “It is through participation and interaction that the social structure that forms the practice is (trans)formed and (re)produced”. Both Anjan and Akela believe that the widespread use or practice of Nepali and English in academia, governance and education has contributed to the (re)production of the hegemonic power structure of these languages over the other ethnic/indigenous ones, and this structure has (trans)formed the public understanding that learning in indigenous languages is inferior to the dominant ones (Kansakar, 1996). For them, this trend is a counterproductive outcome of democracy that promoted neoliberal ideas ( Siegel 2006 ) and led the languages into the competitive edge in the societies, which ultimately led to the promotion of the promoted, and suppression of the suppressed in which the “ideological and affective mismatches that arise out of encounters between people with different language socialization experiences” ( Fujita 2010 , 38) were observed. The data also pointed to the impacts of global North ideologies (for instance, the inclusive democratic ideas) on the discourses of multilingualism of the global South.

Ideological Construction of the Global North and Impacts on Global South

Nepal’s growing engagement with the international community (through its membership in the UN, wto , imf , etc.), and its political systems have largely influenced attitudinal patterns in Nepalese society. From a geopolitical perspective, Nepal is sandwiched between two giant countries India and China, and the changes in the neighborhood would influence it on a larger scale. Besides, the development in the global North would always have a chain effect in the countries of the global South. For instance, the British colonial government of India then promoted English amidst other languages, and a similar trend emerged in Nepal with the effect of the environment in the neighborhood. Such geopolitical conditions and the waves gravely influenced the closely related communities to the development of nationalism and the creation of nation-states, including a new Europe perceived as superior to other parts of the world ( Bagga-Gupta 2010 ; Gal and Irvine 1995 ; Rosen and Bagga-Gupta 2013 ; Shohamy 2006 ). The ideologies of the countries of the global North have influenced the countries of the global South in many ways, including ideologies of language planning and policy. This has generated a perception and a social space that differentiates ‘us and the other’ through the formation of linguistic-cultural ideologies ( Gynne, Bagga-Gupta and Lainio 2016 ) or creating linguistic imageries constitutive of cultural tools ( Bagga-Gupta and Rao 2018 ) in the communities that have multiple languages in place that ultimately impact relevant social actions. This made some languages valued more than others in the domains of governance and educational spaces ( Poudel and Choi 2020 ; Poudel 2010 ). In the case of Nepal, the first educational commission was influenced by Huge. B. Wood’s ideologies formed out of his involvement in Indian and the western world, and the committee under his leadership had huge influence in collaboration with academia and politicians then recommended for streamlining the education systems through a monolingual ideology. Awasthi (2008) also noted that the ideologies constructed by the Macaulay Minutes (1835) in India had an invisible effect in Nepal’s language policymaking, especially reflected in the nnepc report prepared with the contribution of Mr. Wood. The same ideological structure continued for long, and even today with maintaining Nepali as the national language to be used in governance and education ( Sharma 1986 ), while at the same time allowing other regional or ethnic languages for such purposes as an outcome of democratic political development. It can be understood as having an ideological link with the “Englishization” efforts of many countries in the global North, reflected in nnepc and the reports afterward. In this way, it is not unfair to claim that the ideologies of the global North impacted the linguistic, cultural, and economic systems of countries in the global South (e.g., India, Nepal, etc.).

In addition to that, “the international political-economic structure seems stacked against a substantial or near future diminishment of the north-south gap” (Thompson and Reuveny 2010: 66). The neoliberal trends that emerged from the global North have travelled to the global South, impacting the global-south countries through the language and culture of the former. The unprecedented expansion of English as a global phenomenon ( Dearden 2014 ) can be a living example of such an effect. The advancement in technology and the increasing use of English as the dominant language of that domain further brought the global North and South together, influencing each other. As a result, the language also became one of the aspects of the north-south political economy. It involved various combinations of developmental states recapturing domestic markets from foreign exporters (import substitution) and the recapture of domestic business (nationalization). The outcome, aided by investments in education, was a new elite of technical managers and professionals who could build on historical experience and opportunities through the commodification of the English language.

Besides, the technology sharing, migration and demographic changes have had variable impacts on the north-south gap. For instance, Nepali youths’ labor migration and their English preference have also impacted the “generational shifts in languages” ( Gautam 2020a , 140). The youths’ migration to the countries in the Middle East and their participation in the global marketplaces in the global North countries have contributed to reshaping of their ideologies towards the home languages and English. Anjan’s statement, “ We have made whimsical choices in our social and education systems, (e.g., choice of language for education) and are even lured by the ideologies formed even by our immigrant population usually in the western world” . Among many, this can be understood as one of the causes for accentuated divergent tendencies in language shifts, usually from the indigenous and national languages to English. Similar cases were reported in the countries of globalized economies as well. For instance, in Singapore, Lakshmi (2016, 229) concluded “Despite governmental and community efforts to support Tamil maintenance in Singapore, census and school data show a decrease in the number of Indian families using Tamil as the predominant home language”, and perhaps this is an instance of a generalizable scenario of squeezing multilingualism in the micro level.

Multilingualism and Language Contact as an Outcome of Democracy

Multilingualism is a defining feature of intricate social and cultural practices ( Lafkioui 2013 ), and it is influenced gravely by the dynamic social, cultural, and political processes such as migration, social movements, and mobility in any society. For instance, the global impact of migration entailed language contact in multilingual countries ( Gautam 2020a , 2021 ), and this was evidenced in various communities across Nepal. Multilingual diversity has also been threatened by such processes, as the language choices have been more constrained due to limited linguistic competencies and interactive skills among the migrants as members of the community. It is also possible that the more intense the migration, the more homogeneity in language use emerges. Highly migrant communities (usually in the urban spaces) attempt to develop a shared linguistic and cultural identity through increasingly engaging in the construction of new normal patterns of shared beliefs and values.

Languages are a treasure trove of literature, philosophy, and worldviews, and the loss of languages will have a huge intellectual catastrophe ( Abbi 2017 ). The protection of 6000 plus languages in the world has been a big challenge as estimates have shown a language dies every fortnight on this planet (ibid). This global problem has affected Nepal’s linguistic diversity as well in an unprecedented way. Regmi (2017) writes that nearly 44% of languages are safe, and the rest of the 56% languages are broadly labelled as threatened and shifting, and this trend has been growing. Also, most of the Nepalese minority language speaking communities have been influenced by the impact of cross-border links through media, marriage, migration (M3s) in the city areas ( Gautam 2018 , 2020a ), and these trends have intensified the trend of language contacts among the dominant ones further reducing the functional values of the minority languages. Due to this, the multilingual arenas turned to be more complex zones for incidences of contacts across local, national, and international languages reproducing the dominance of the dominating languages. The strongest impact of language contact on multilingualism in Nepal can be observed after the 1990s that increased people’s participation in social spaces in inclusive democratic processes. The “Nepali-only policy of the absolute monarchy was discarded in favor of an official language policy that recognized Nepal’s linguistic diversity” ( Sonntag 2007 , 205). On top of that, the impact of the Maoist revolution (1996–2006) brought lots of social and cultural changes in Nepalese multilingualism. Many ethnic communities were displaced from their original homelands to the capital city, and other urban contexts because of political pressure from the agitating parties then. Hence, the urban contexts such as Kathmandu (largely Newar speaking area), Pokhara (Gurung and Magar speaking area), Nepalgunj (Tharu speaking area), Kapilvastu (Awadhi speaking area), etc. were established as zones for the increasing trend of language contacts as people from various remote villages hurled to these cities for opportunities of education, employment, and business. Nowadays, people have gradually well-assimilated with the dominant language and cultural values developing complex social zones for language contact activities.

The consequences of such contacts which are further triggered by democratic political processes, are multifaceted. One of the major effects is the shift of such minority languages and their cultures towards assimilation into the dominant ones. Such assimilation has led to erasing of the indigenous languages and cultures, not even leaving linguistic marks of some dead languages for the future generations. This, as one of the reasons for the inter-generational shift, was reported by our participants as well. Gautam (2020b, 204) claims, “The young generations are not very much interested about the role of language in community rather they are more concerned about globalization and the economic activities” Similarly, Anjan says, “ The contemporary generation of parents and their children do not value their ethnic language on the economic grounds, and that has impacted the way they make language choices at home and in schools ”. Indirectly, he pointed towards the increasing trend of educating in English medium. This shift has impacted the policymaking process regarding language use in education as well ( Poudel and Choi 2020 ), because the relevant policymaking bodies did not end up with strong resolutions to use the already minoritized local languages in education and governance.

Conclusion and Implications

In this paper, we discussed the way that a democratic country (here, Nepal) has undergone through a process of democratizing its macro policies for the promotion and preservation of its linguistic diversity, which provided shreds of evidence that such practices have minimal impact on the substantial results due to the processes of glocalization ( Choi 2017 ). The identification of new languages and recognition of multilingualism through scheduling of these languages in the constitution have been the visible results of democratic governance. However, largely mono and/or bilingual practices in governance, education, and public communication show that the promises of the constitution have not materialized as yet. Based on the analysis of the data, we conclude that democracy in Nepal functioned as a “double-edged sword”, which on the one hand promoted efforts of preservation and promotion of linguistic diversity, while on the other hand, contributed to constraining the size of diversity by vitalizing mainly Nepali and English, sidelining the potential of indigenous languages. Such a role of democracy promoted the ethnic and indigenous communities’ active engagement in reacting against the macro policies pertaining to languages. This issue was also used as an agenda of political gains but with very little or nil impact on the ongoing practices within their own linguistic and cultural communities. The democratic ideology fundamentally borrowed from the global North had done more justice at the macro policy level but created inequalities and injustices in practices at the micro level, and that consequently turned the investments and attempts in promoting linguistic diversity futile.

Our conclusion implies that in Nepal democracy promoted monolingual/bilingual ways of thinking about multilingualism, which became counterproductive to the mission of protecting linguistic diversity. Here, our understanding adheres to Pillar’s (2016, 32) critical claim that “The monolingual ways of seeing multilingualism entails a focus on the product of the monolingual academic texts”. In other words, democracy did not practically contribute to promoting linguistic diversity though it developed awareness of the linguistic rights of the individuals and communities of minority languages. During the democratic evolutions, the state intervention to preserve and promote these languages remained inconsistent, as some governments intentionally discouraged the planned promotion compared to others. Although monolingual and multilingual ideologies were debated in political and social spaces, the substantial effects of such debates in transforming current practices are yet to be materialized. We also claim that, owing to the uniquely complex nature of Nepal’s linguistic and demographic diversity, the ideal policies, especially those related to linguistic diversity and multilingualism, developed outside of Nepal are likely to be ineffective or perhaps will have counterproductive effects. This rightly informs of the fact that the governmental systems need to develop all-inclusive policies that adhere to Nepal’s unique situation and translate into observable practices to fundamentally change the current situation of diminishing linguistic diversity.

The conclusion of this paper also implies that democratic political system alone will not be sufficient to promote diversity, unless the relevant communities proactively engage in localized policymaking, valuing their own cultures and languages, and link them with the peripheral world. Despite the increasing awareness of the indigenous identity and rights among people including those from the concerned communities, the streamlined long-term visions in changing the practice are essential to utilize the democratic political systems in protecting and promoting multilingual diversity. We also appeal to the reassessment of the investments (or probably the wasteful investments) in the name of promoting multilingualism in the case of Nepal, as all the efforts made for this, or with this agenda, have proved to be less effective to materialize the very mission of protecting and promoting diversity and multilingualism. Hence, we suggest for a planned intervention in changing the practice at the local governmental level to build collective strength to promote ethnic/indigenous languages in wider use, including their socio-cultural and economic values so that the current and the future generation can feel assured that they can survive out of the learning of local/ethnic languages. Although in this paper, we explored the case of Nepal, our conclusions are informative to the other similar contexts globally where minority languages are endangered due to less supportive political systems where the ethnic minority communities are struggling hard to revive them back.

Acknowledgments

We express our deep sense of gratitude to the informants of this study for their trust in us, and the great sharing based on our queries, despite their very busy schedule at the time of crisis due to Covid-19 lockdown in Nepal. At the same time, we acknowledge all the scholars whose works have been cited in the paper.

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The Government of Nepal on18 May 2020 (5th Jestha 2077) endorsed the new map including Lipulekh and Kalapani area with a new total area of 147, 516 Square Kilometers.

Nepal is ecologically divided into three ecological zones, i.e., High Hills ( Hima l), Mid Hills ( Pahad ) and Plains ( Terai ). All these three ecological belts are inhabited by varied communities with ethnic, cultural, and linguistic identities.

Gorkha conquest refers to the victory made by Late King Prithivi Narayan Shah who unified Nepal during the period 1736 to 1769 ad .

A typical Nepali dress promoted as the identity of Nepalese people, and so is established as the formal dress code for official functions.

The Rana Oligarchy, in which Ranas ruled the country for 103 years in Nepal between 1846 and 1951.

The Panchayat regime ruled Nepal since 1961 to 1990.

The script in which Nepali language is written.

In Nepal, the education up to grade 5 was termed as primary education. However, recent education restructuring recognizes grade 1–8 as the basic education.

The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) conducted a 10-year-long insurgency with an agenda of reforming historical, social, and cultural inequality.

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The Fascinating Cultural Diversity of Nepal: Exploring the Ethnic Groups

Considering that Nepal ranks among the most culturally prominent nations, it is one of the most desired countries engulfed with an array of amazing people who practice and follow different religions and cultures. What makes the people of this Nation unique is not confined by its versatile demography but rather by its hospitality, tolerance of cultural differences and nuances of simplicity and peacefulness.

Nepal, revered for its diverse landscapes, inhabiting numerous natural and historical beauties, counts to serve all types of travelers' appetites. Whether you are a geek about historical monuments, arts and architecture of Nepal or are pivoted towards the natural charm, Nepal will serve you a fascinating pallet of courteously subtle and enigmatic gratification.

Nepal's fascinating cultural diversity has resulted from the traditionally flowing way of life of the people in this Nation. Shared in an eloquent pattern from generations, it is with great pride people in Nepal showcase their culture and the ancient craft of living.

Despite being a geographically small nation, Nation exhibits a dash of diversity in all regions, including ethnicity, religion, geography and tradition, adding to its versatility and opulence. Formed with millennials' passion, Nepal's cultural diversity and its traditional constituents are formulated by values, ethnic assimilation, and social and tribal community. One can witness the reflection of these values in its folk and traditional music, art, literature, dance, language and folklore.

What Nepalese are coping with representing is the harmonized constituent of the Nation's wealthy and diversified civilization.

The Fascinating Cultural Diversity of Nepal: Exploring the Ethnic Groups That Define the Nation’s Rich Heritage

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The fascinating cultural diversity of Nepal previews insights into infused ethnical influences and cultural amalgamation of Tibeto-Mongolian and Indo-Aryan influences paved through an illustrious history of conquest, trade and migration. Over the years, the nation has manifested its distinct taste and style, symbolizing various Buddhist and Hindu sources. The cultural diversity of numerous tribal, ethnic, and social groups pertaining to residing in different altitudes has built its unique draft of philosophies, art and craft, folktales, festivities and celebrations, transitioned subtly over the period.

Nepal is abode to over 125 ethnic groups, beckoning to allocate its supple characteristics significantly shaping the nation's culture, economy and politics.

Prominent Ethnic Groups in Nepal

Delineated using ethnic identity, language and caste system, Nepal is a garland of Ethnic diversity, constituting the prominent groups being Chettri, Brahman, Magar, Tharu, Tamang, and Newar, to name a few.

The total aggregate population of Nepal is 30 million, out of which over 3 million are employed in foreign, mostly constituting male labourers.

Chhetri (Khas)

The Nepali speakers of the Khas community are the most renowned ethnic group in Nepal, constituting 16.6% of the total population.

Descendents of medieval Indian migrants, the Chettris are renowned as administrators, military elites, and governers, shaping the destiny of the Khas Kingdom and the formidable Gorkha Kingdom that eventually unified Nepal. Their nobility flourished, permeating the civil administration and governance.

The major highlight of Nepalese Chetri society has been the ruling Shah dynasty (1768-2008), Pande Family, the Basnyat family, the Thapa family and the Rana Prime Ministers (1846-1953).

Bahun (Hill)

The Nepali speakers of the Bahun community are the second most populous group, with 12.2% of Nepal’s population, according to the 2011 Nepal census.

Emerging as a revered Varna, a different community whose roots intertwine with the majestic Himalayan belt of South Asia. Their reverence shines in the pages of history, which are mysteriously embodied as the essence of tradition and spirituality in Nepal’s cultural tapestry.

Bahuns have been known for their ascension of remarkable feasts, boasting a staggering 39.2% civil service representation despite their 12.1% population in the nation. They are ranked among the highest in the country, with a civil service ratio of 3.2 times, in contrast to Chetr’s 1.6 times.

Madhesi People

The Madhesi People of Nepal take up the third place at 12.07% of the ethnic community in the Nepal context.

The term “Madhesi” encompasses numerous cultural groups, including Hindu caste groups, Marwaris, Dalits and indigenous communities like Bhojpuris, Awadhis, Maithilis, and Bajjikas.

Due to the shared cultural traditions and familial ties with their neighbouring counterparts across the border in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, and Bihar, the Madhesi people possess a rich heritage expanding to encompass all citizens of the Terai regions of Nepal.

The Newars are one of the most renowned and eminent ethnic communities deeply intertwined in the fabric of Hinduism and Buddhism in Nepal. They have fostered a sophisticated urban civilization as the proud custodians of Nepal’s religion, culture and society.

Newar consistently ranks Nepal’s most economically and socially advanced community, identified by the Human Development Index with a vibrant population of 1,321,933.

Exploring the Traditions, Festivals, and Customs of Ethnic Communities of Nepal

Glaring away from the sublimity of the Mountains and bounded natural resources of Nepal, we ponder the insightful cultural resonance of Nepalese people pertaining to their customs, traditions, cultural norms and ethics. Despite being a relatively small country, Nepal has a magnanimous directory of religious connotations, festivities, and cultural events dating back to ancient mythology and epics.

The result of divergent ethnic backgrounds and practices forms diversity in beliefs and culture. But the hearts that beat Nepali unites people from all over the region in celebrating the auspiciousness and splendor of significant festivals.

The vivid festivals celebrated in this nation are the epitome of the distinct cultural diversity of Nepal. Let us take a proximal outlook on Nepal’s diversity through the festivals celebrated in this domain.

Dashain and Tihar

The grandest and the most eminent festival celebrated in Nepal is the Dashain and Tihar, during the month of September and October in the Gregorian calendar.

Dashain, steeped in Hindu mythology, commemorates the triumphant victory of Goddess Durga over the malevolent Mahishasura. Conversely, Tihar embraces the radiance of lights and colours dedicated to Goddess Laxmi, the embodiment of prosperity and wealth.

Beyond the confines of faith, Dashain and Tihar symbolize unity, heritage, and the universal desire for happiness and abundance.

Buddha Jayanti

Marking the birthday of Lord Buddha, Buddha Jayanti is celebrated on the whole moon night of either May or June. Born in the sacred lands of Lumbini in 623 BC as a prince of the Shakya dynasty, now settled in the Kapilvastu district, the legacy of Buddha infuses the air.

On this auspicious day, you can observe Nepal coming to life with jubilation, commemorating the profound teachings and noble path set forth by the enlightened one. One can witness devotees, peace seekers and Buddhist communities flocking towards pilgrimage to Lumbini and Buddhist pilgrimage sites to honour the birth of their revered master.

It is this time of the year you can sit and contemplate the radiating divine energy flourishing in the adorned Monasteries, gumbas and chaityas and observe countless visitors paying their homage and bask in the festival's spirit.

As the vibrant autumn season dawns upon the enchanting land of Nepal, a joyous festival known as Jatra takes centre stage, spanning an exhilarating eight days in September.

This auspicious occasion marks the celestial descent of Indra, the revered King of Heaven, as depicted in Hindu mythology.

The festivities commence with the majestic erection of a majestic wooden pole, crafted from the finest pine, standing tall in Basantapur Square, a revered site before the ancient Hanuman Dhoka Palace.

Amidst an atmosphere brimming with excitement, the grand procession unfolds, with the revered Living Goddess Kumari adorning her chariot gracefully parading through the streets of Kathmandu.

The streets come alive as crowds gather, enchanted by the mesmerizing spectacle, accompanied by the rhythmic dance of masked performers known as Lakheys, captivating the hearts of thousands of awe-struck spectators.

Fagun Purnima (Holi)

Fagun Purnima, also known as Holi (the festival of colours), emerges as a joyful celebration of Hindu mythology in the kaleidoscope of Nepalese festivals.

Derived from the name of the mythical demoness Holika, this vibrant festival symbolizes the triumph of good over evil. Legends narrate the tale of Prahalad, a devout devotee of Lord Vishnu, whose father, the demon king Mahisasur, considered him a mortal enemy.

Enraged, the king ordered his fire-immune sister, Holika, to eliminate Prahalad. However, divine intervention prevailed, as Holika perished in the same flames she intended to engulf the boy while he emerged unscathed.

Holi embraces a spirit of mirth, colours, and unbridled happiness to commemorate this miraculous event.

Falling in late February or early March, this festival has transcended cultural boundaries, captivating the hearts of both locals and tourists alike with its infectious zest for life.

From Mountains to Plains: Discovering Nepal’s Rich Tapestry of Ethnic Diversity

From the deepest gorge in the world, Kali-Gandaki” to the tallest point on the planet, Mt. Everest, Nepal has it all; diverse climate, outstanding bio-diversity, multi-lingual society, and a plethora of people scattered all over the tumultuous geography of the domain. According to anthropologists, Nepal is divided into 60 ethnic groups comprising various shades of clan, tribe, race and case. Among these groups, Many have their distinct language, whereas Nepali is almost spoken in the entire region of the nation.

Ethnic Groups found in the Hill and Mountainous Regions

The hilly region comprises 29.5 per cent of the total area of Nepal. It is in such mesmerizing hills the presence of the Tamang community graces every wanderlust trekker, incorporating a vital part of the region's cultural tapestry.

Rooted in their heritage, the Tamangs carry the essence of their Tibetan origins, their language resonating with the beauty of the Tibeto-Burman lineage. Embracing a rich history, Tamang lore speaks of their migration to Nepal as valiant Tibetan cavalry troops during the era of Genghis Khan.

While their spiritual path finds solace in Tibetan Buddhism, the Tamangs have forged a unique practice devoid of traditional monks, nuns, or monasteries.

Their existence emanates a profound sense of resilience and authenticity, weaving their emotional narrative into Nepal's diverse cultural landscape.

The frequency of Tamang people is highest in Nepal's Rasuwa, Makwanpur and Nuwakot districts.

The Himalayan region comprises 15 per cent of the total area of Nepal. Within the tapestry of Nepal's ethnic mosaic, one group stands out with unparalleled fame—the Sherpas, though their numbers constitute a mere fraction of the population.

Often misunderstood by foreigners, the term "Sherpa" is mistakenly used to refer to all porters, obscuring the distinct identity of these remarkable individuals.

Originating from the beautiful regions of Solu Khumbu and Helambu, the Sherpas have ascended to global recognition since the pioneering climbing expeditions of the 1950s.

Renowned for their unparalleled mountaineering skills and unwavering resilience as high-altitude porters, the Sherpas embody the spirit of the Himalayas, encapsulating the indomitable human spirit that conquers the towering peaks with steadfast determination.

The frequency of Sherpa people is prominent in the eastern regions of Nepal, like Solu and Khumbu and some in the Rolwaling and Helambu regions north of Kathmandu.

Nestled amidst the awe-inspiring expanse of the Annapurna region and prominent settlements in the east, a warm encounter awaits with the Gurungs—a Mongoloid community whose lineage extends to the captivating realms of Tibet.

The Gurungs, endowed with a rich heritage, find their purpose not only in serving the noble Nepal army and police but also in the esteemed Gurkha regiments of the British and Indian armies. Their unwavering dedication and prowess have earned them a reputation that resonates across borders.

Engaging with the Gurungs is an opportunity to witness firsthand the resilience and valour embedded in their cultural fabric, leaving an indelible impression of their remarkable contributions and inspiring legacy.

Plains: A Harmonious Melting pot

Descending from the mountains to the fertile plains of the Terai, we enter a different realm of ethnic diversity. Here, the vibrant traditions of the Tharus, with their deep connection to the land and unique craftsmanship, enchant visitors.

The Madhesis, with their roots reaching across the border to India, bring a fusion of cultural influences that add depth to Nepal's ethnic tapestry. The harmonious coexistence of Hindu caste groups, Muslims, and indigenous people paints a captivating picture of unity amidst diversity.

Linguistic and Religious

The country is unified over 125 different ethnolinguistic groups, whereas the official language spoken in Nepal is Nepali, a relative of Hindi spread and practised by 45% of the total population. However, this does not leave travellers barren, as English is a generally spoken language in Nepal, which comes with a bit of an accent. However, if you are able to communicate in English, you can easily find the next person in Nepal who speaks English or can aid in understanding and responding to your basic requests and queries.

As we have discussed earlier, Nepal's predominantly adopted religion is Hindu, which is about 80% of the total population; other equally significant religions in Nepal include Buddhism, Muslim, and Christianity, to name a few.

Buddhism, being a minority religion at around 10%, Practice of Buddhism is revered and taken very sincerely throughout the reign, although its inception was from the domain.

Unity in Diversity: A Lesson to Embrace

The rich tapestry of Nepal's ethnic diversity is a testament to its people's resilience and adaptability. Despite the geographical and cultural differences, a sense of unity prevails, strengthening the nation's social fabric. The interweaving threads of different ethnic communities form a cohesive whole where acceptance and mutual respect thrive. Nepal stands as an example to the world, showcasing the harmonious coexistence of diverse ethnicities and inspiring us to celebrate our differences.

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Unity in Diversity

Filter course, we, our community and nation.

Human Resource
Drinking Water
Our Development Regions
Some Ongoing Projects in Nepal

Population Growth and Management

Population and Quality of life
Measures for Population Management
Problems of Population Management in Nepal
Roles of International Organizations in Population Management

Population and Demographic status

Demographic components and basic demographic measurement
Population Composition of Nepal
Internal and External Migration in Nepal

Our Social Norms and Values

Social Tradition
Religions of Nepal
Our National Heritages
International Personalities

Social Problems and their solutions

Conflict management
International Organizations
Good Governance
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Civic Sense

Legislature
Zones and Districts of Nepal
Judiciary of Nepal
Duties of Citizen
Climate of Nepal
Physical Features of Nepal
Water Resources of Nepal
Physical Features of Asia
Physical Features of Europe
Physical Features of Australia
Physical features of North America
Physical features of South America

Our Economic Activities

Status of Employment in Nepal
Fiscal Plan
Agriculture, Trade, and Industry
Beginning, efforts and influences of unification campaign
Our Valiant Warriors
Rise and Fall of Rana Rule
Achievements of the Rana Period

Our international relation and co-operation

Nepal's Foreign Policy

Published by: Nuru

Published date: 09 Dec 2021

In this chapter, we discuss about the concept of unity of diversity in Nepal and advantages of it. Reference Notes of Social Studies, Grade 8.

Unity in diversity is used as an expression of harmony and unity between dissimilar individuals or groups.

Nepal is regarded as a culturally rich country. Nepal is a multi-cultural, multi-racial, multi-linguistic and multi-ethnic country. Nepal has been a home to diversified settlements in terms of ethnicity, religion, dialect and culture since its outset in civilization. Different languages and cultures exist in Nepal, which has created a rich and unique national culture. Our national identity also depends upon this cultural and ethnic diversity. This ethnic and cultural diversity, which is also known as unity in diversity, is an important national heritage, which needs to be further strengthened. Nepali society is flexible and the systems and cultural practices are blended according to the comfort of the human beings. The traditional practices could be modified for one’s comfort.

After the Unification of Nepal by King Prithivi Narayan Shah of the Shah dynasty, the concept of Unity in Diversity was accepted by the state and thus put forward in his famous “Dibya Upadesh”, the Divine Sermon as “Nepal Chaar Jaat Chhattis Barna Ko Shajha Fulbari Ho, Sabai Lai Chetana Bhaya” (Nepal is a home to 4 castes and 36 sub-castes, may all be aware!). With the advancement of modern society, these words have been reflected and retained in the society of Nepal as tolerance, harmony, and peace in religion and culture. Despite being a Hindu state for over 2 centuries, the state has offered equality and an inclusion of every caste, ethnic group, religion, dialect, culture, and belief.

According to the CBS 2068, about 123 languages are spoken in Nepal. Such languages are our own identity. All these languages are national languages. But all those languages are not understood by all Nepalese so Nepali is taken as the common language of Nepal. Nepal is a multi-religious country in the world so different ethnic groups live with their own way of religious practice, lifestyle, language, culture, and tradition. Nepal has number of a religious groups they which live in peace and harmony. There is not any record of religious conflict in Nepal. All Nepalese have respected the national feeling of unity in diversity, Nepali’s specialty and establishing own reorganization to the world.

Diversity is our identity and unity are our specialties. Our cultures should be protected from the undue influence of foreign ones. Religious and cultural heritages should be preserved and promoted. Religious tolerance needs to be strengthened and practiced in more practicable ways. Prejudices like lingual, racial, regional, communal should be avoided. Mutual respect should be developed between all components of Nepalese population and people should march forward collectively for peace, prosperity and happiness of the nation.

Advantage of unity in diversity are as follows:

It helps to increase coordination, relationships, teamwork among people, thus improving performance, work quality, productivity and lifestyle.
It increases the morale of people in the workplace, organization and community.

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Nepalese Cultural Diversity

Nepal is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural nation. Different languages and cultures exist in Nepal, which have made a rich unique national culture. It is, in fact, a matter of pride for all of us. Our national identity also depends upon this cultural and ethnic diversity. Nepal is, thus, known in the world as a country rich in cultural and ethnic diversity. This ethnic and cultural diversity, which is also known as the unity in diversity, is an important national heritage, which needs to be further strengthened. Thus, more attention and efforts are needed to promote and develop these languages and cultures on equal basis. The laws of the land prohibit discrimination on the ground of language and ethnicity and guaranteed equal treatment to all languages and cultures. However, some anomalies and contradictions do exist in translating these constitutional provisions into practice and the government is serious to ensure that there is no discrimination on the ground of caste, colour and cultures. The government has already announced the policy of providing primary education in the mother tongue of different ethnic communities to promote and develop all national languages. For this, textbooks on some ethnic languages have been prepared and more are in the process of being written. This is the achievement of the success of the Jana Andolan II that has created a new sense of enthusiasm in all sections of the society.

As a part of creating inclusive democracy, the Interim Constitution has had the provision giving due share in all sectors including bureaucracy and other decision making levels to women, different nationalities and faiths. The government has practically implemented these provisions from which the hitherto backward and marginalised communities have benefitted and got their representation in political and decision making level. The government has been working with full sensitivity to ensure ethnic and gender balance in all sectors. Similarly, efforts are equally underway to preserve and promote all languages and cultures so that Nepal could be developed as a genuine mosaic of all cultures and languages. These are positive efforts that would certainly have a far-reaching impact for the equal development of all ethnic, lingual and cultural communities in the country. Although the government is effortful, its efforts alone may not be sufficient. Thus, there should be equal efforts and contribution from all sectors for preservation and promotion of ethnic and cultural diversity. Now the constitution writing process is underway and the political parties are effortful to institutionalise the cultural diversity and promote all languages and cultures so that Nepal will continue to become a unique country .

Culture and Society of Nepal

Counting the uncountable: linguistic diversity in Nepal

Students in a Tibetan-medium school in Kathmandu study for their exams. By knowing the number and age of speakers of a particular language, policy makers can better plan for their inclusion as the medium or subject of instruction in early education.

The 21st of February marked International Mother Language day, an annual UNESCO Heritage Day that celebrates linguistic diversity and multilingualism around the world. This year’s International Mother Language Day has particular importance, as 2019 has been marked as the United Nations International Year of Indigenous Languages.

Most estimates place the total number of languages in the world at around 7,000. Calculating the number of languages in a given country or region is important for both linguists and policy makers (as well as a host of other professions) for many reasons. By knowing the numbers of speakers of a particular language, policy makers can more effectively plan for linguistically-inclusive public communication and administration, consider the role of different languages as the medium or subject of instruction in education systems, and direct efforts for language preservation and revitalisation.

However, while empirical data on other social characteristics is usually readily available or easy to collect, data on language has often proved more difficult to enumerate. This post will explore how the question, the context, and the response all provide room for subjective interpretation and can lead to vastly different figures for the number of languages in a single country: Nepal.

The small South Asian nation of Nepal boasts huge linguistic diversity relative to its geographic, economic, and population size. Inhabitants of modern-day Nepal were historically made up of hundreds of distinct groups of people with different cultures, languages, and leaders, who were only united under a single ruler in 1768. Topographical barriers like the great mountains of the Himalayas and the sweeping plains of the lowland Terai region meant that many languages developed in relative isolation.

Nepal has collected language data through regular decennial censuses for the last 60 years. Yet within this relatively short period, various censuses and other independent linguistic surveys have returned different tallies for the number of languages present in Nepal. Estimates have ranged from as few as 17 in the 1971 census, to 123 languages in the most recent census of 2011, to an estimate of over 140 in a 2005 linguistic survey, as shown in the table:

Data from Central Bureau of Statistics, Malla, Toba, and Noonan quoted in Yadava, Y. (2014). Language Use in Nepal. In Central Bureau of Statistics. Population Monograph of Nepal Volume II: Social Demography. (pp. 51-53) and from Ethnologue 13th – 15th, and 21st Editions. Retrieved February 15, 2019, from https://www.ethnologue.com/archive

While it’s true that language, and language use, shifts naturally over time due to factors such as generational change, revitalisation efforts, or migration, the radical differences between estimates in Nepal over just sixty years suggests something more complicated is at play.

While many census or survey questions can be answered objectively and impartially, others, such as questions on mother tongue, language use, ethnicity, or religion, require the respondent to make a subjective judgement. In Nepal, as elsewhere, the wording of the question, the wider social and political context within which the question is asked, and the respondents outlook and ideology towards language, have all influenced efforts to calculate the country’s languages.

The Question

The first way in which respondents may be influenced in their reporting of language is the wording of the question itself. Subtle differences in the terminology, phrasing, or layout can change the way a question is interpreted and answered.

The 2011 Census in Nepal included one question on language (Yadava 2014, p. 52):

Looking closely at this question, there are several possible ways respondents could have been influenced in the responses they provided.

Firstly, the terminology itself may have induced certain responses. Nepal’s Central Bureau of Statistics opted to use the term “mother tongue” (मातृभाषा /mātr̥bhāṣā/ in Nepali) in the 2011 Census, over alternatives such as “main language”, “usual language”, “home language”, etc.

For some people, these terms could be considered synonyms as they elicit the same response. For example, an Australian, living in Australia, of British-heritage parents, would answer “English” in all three situations. For others, the response may be different based on the subtly different slant of each term. For example, a child of a Vietnamese immigrant mother in Montreal who ﬁrst learned Vietnamese (the “mother tongue”), but uses mostly French when interacting with the Canadian father and local friends (the “home language”), and speaks English to colleagues in a multinational workplace (the “usual language”).

In his chapter in the ground-breaking book Census and Identity: The Politics of Race, Ethnicity, and Language in National Censuses ’, Arel (2002) refers to this as different “language situations”. Canada is one of the few countries that attempts to collect data on all three possible language situations in its surveys – most countries, including Australia and Nepal, only ask about one or two potential language situations. By focusing on the “mother tongue” of the respondent, ignoring other potential terms such as “usual” or “home” language, the 2011 Census elicited a certain response from respondents.

Though the 2011 Census in Nepal did also request respondents to provide another language as their “second language”, no further definition or guidance was given to clarify what was meant by “second language”. Given that the majority of respondents (56%) who chose to answer this question listed the national language, Nepali, as their second language, it is likely that many took this as an opportunity to assert their knowledge of the language of social mobility.

Another potential challenge is the layout of the census form itself. In 2011, a single space was provided for each part of the question, forgoing the possibility of more than one language being spoken in favour of simpler enumeration, indicating a bias towards mono- or bilingualism in a country where multilingualism is common, if not the norm.

A young woman from the Thulung ethno-linguistic group of far-eastern Nepal proudly poses in traditional wear during a language documentation workshop in Solukhumbu district

In 2011, the response format was open-ended, with no list of languages to choose from. This led to confusion between duplicate, indistinct, or unknown languages that was ultimately resolved by grouping some 21,000 responses into a single ‘other’ category, and another 47,000 as ‘non-responses’ (Yadava, 2014) – potentially missing smaller, lesser known or documented languages.

Conversely, in 1981, the census question around language provided a list of the five largest, most dominant languages and a catch-all ‘other’ category, reflecting the wider socio-political context at the time, as we will see soon. It is likely that the inherent bias contained in this question influenced the way people responded.

The Context

Quantifying the number of languages in a country or region can also be influenced by the prevailing political, social, and cultural climate. As Sebba (2017) aptly puts it when describing the inclusion of a language question in the 2011 British Census: “inevitably, questions about language are asked within a social and historical context which both constrains the possible answers and motivates respondents to select certain answers rather than others from those available, in accordance with prevailing ideologies about (among others) nation, ethnicity and language. The act of census-taking (…) is always politically and ideologically charged.”

The relatively low number of languages reported in Nepal’s early censuses were undoubtedly influenced by the assimilation policies in place at the time, and the generally higher levels of social exclusion. From 1962 to 1990, under a political system known as “Panchayat” and controlled by an authoritarian monarchy, the state viewed linguistic, gender, ethnic, and spiritual diversity as barriers to be overcome in the pursuit of a ‘unified’, ‘modern’ Nepal. Cultural ‘unity’ was projected as essential to nation-building and the maintenance of independence. The relatively low number of languages reported in the 1962, 1971, 1981, and 1991 Census reflected the widespread restrictions on cultural and linguistic expression that the Nepali population was experiencing during these years.

Through the 1990s and 2000s, the Maoist ‘People’s War’ raged against the monarchy, promising greater representation to minority caste, ethnic, linguistic, and gender groups. The decade-long civil war was linked to the populations’ growing awareness of social and cultural inequalities that had persisted for generations. The substantial increase in the number of languages reported in the 1996 Census, and all censuses thereafter, was therefore a manifestation of the wider phenomenon of ethno-linguistic awakening.

Since the conclusion of the civil war, the Government of Nepal (which today includes a majority of Maoist and Communist party members) has for the most part promoted linguistic diversity and harmony – for example, the 2015 Constitution declares that ‘all languages spoken in Nepal’ are to be considered national languages, and has opened the doors for individual provinces to declare their own official languages as part of the new federal structure – which is reflected in the 2011 Census results.

The Response

Arel (2002, p. 106) argues that in responding to questions around language, respondents can take a ‘forward looking’ or ‘backwards looking’ stance in providing their response. Arel points to the Belgium census of 1947 as an example of this, when many Flemish citizens provided “forward looking” responses by identifying French, as the language they wished their children would use in order to move up in social status.

Tibetan, also known as Bhot, is still spoken as the mother tongue of around 4,445 first, second, and third generation Tibetan refugees in Nepal

Many respondents in Nepal appear to be providing ‘backwards looking’ responses in the 2011 Census. A ‘backwards looking’ response is one that reflects the language of one’s parents or ancestors, regardless of the individual’s actual knowledge or regular use of the language. ‘Backwards looking’ responses may be politically or ideologically driven – the lack of knowledge of one’s ancestors’ language being seen as a temporary state brought about by authoritarian state policies – or simply a nostalgic and sentimental nod to historical or cultural roots.

Nepal’s 2011 Census data reported that there was 1,424 people who speak Tilung as their mother tongue. The Language Commission of Nepal, through their own local-level surveys and consultations, found there to be only two fluent speakers of Tilung. Other members of the wider ethnic group reported Tilung as their mother tongue despite not speaking more than a handful of isolated words, thus displaying a ‘backwards looking’ approach in their responses. The Language Commission has received many anecdotal reports of other languages similarly being over-represented in Census results due to ‘backwards looking’ reporting of cultural heritage versus the language most often or most fluently spoken. And while there are still living speakers of a language, as with Tilung, correcting this practice would not necessarily change the total number of languages present; but knowing the precise number of speakers of a language allows government to better target language documentation and preservation efforts, particularly in a resource-strained context like Nepal. A language with 1,424 speakers might be considered only ‘threatened’, but with two elderly speakers it is ‘almost extinct’ (see Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale ).

Looking forward

Regardless of the precise number of languages reported, Nepal is and always has been a multilingual and multicultural country. Nepal is already planning for the 2021 Census, and by further refining its Census protocol and considering the various ways the socio-political context and personal ideologies may influence responses, the Government of Nepal will be able to better plan and implement linguistically-inclusive policies for its citizens.

Arel, D. (2002). Language categories in censuses: backward- or forward-looking? In D. I. Kertzer & D. Arel (Eds.), Census and Identity: The Politics of Race, Ethnicity, and Language in National Censuses (p. 97). Cambridge, UK ; New York: Cambridge University Press.

Bennett, L. (2005, December). Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal: Following the Policy Process from Analysis to Action . (p. 7) Paper presented at the New Frontiers of Social Policy Conference, Arusha, Tanzania.

Sebba, M. (2017). Awkward questions: language issues in the 2011 census in England. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development . https://doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2017.1342651

Yadava, Y. (2014). Language Use in Nepal. In Central Bureau of Statistics. Population Monograph of Nepal Volume II: Social Demography . Central Bureau of Statistics.

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Author Naomi Fillmore

Naomi Fillmore is a language, education, and development professional with experience spanning South and South East Asia, Latin America, and the Pacific. In 2018, Naomi served as an Adviser to the Language Commission of Nepal. Her Masters research at Deakin University looked at mother tongue-based multilingual education reform in the Philippines. With a background in applied linguistics and language teaching, Naomi is passionate about the intersection of language and early education.

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Home / Essay Samples / Culture / World Cultures / Culture and Identity of Nepal

Culture and Identity of Nepal

Category: Culture , Sociology
Topic: Cultural Identity

Pages: 1 (558 words)

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